#Ammunition Market Forecast

[aviationanddefence1]

Global Ammunition Market Report

Given the limits on weapons in major economies, many ammunition items are not generally available commercially. However, defense organizations in large territories have opted to purchase these items in order to improve security capabilities. Military advancements by key economies such as China, India, France, and Russia are likely to promote market growth in the estimated time frame. Long-term collaborations and acquisitions between big corporations and governments characterize the global munitions sector. Several governments around the world, particularly India, are attempting to strengthen their defense capabilities by acquiring and expanding indigenous production facilities from foreign players.

Market Size and Trends in the Ammunition Industry:

The global ammunition market report led the market in 2023, accounting for around 88.08% of worldwide market value. Furthermore, this category is likely to maintain its dominance during the forecast period. Increasing cross-border conflicts have spurred the global expansion of the bullet market. Rising geopolitical tensions and terrorist actions are projected to boost product penetration. Full metal jacket bullets are widely employed in military handguns, although the Air Force prefers hollow-point bullets for increased precision. Because of their quick expansion and strong stopping power, hollow-point bullets are popular among law enforcement and military personnel.

[mi-researchreports]

The Ammunition Market is expected to reach USD 9.11 billion in 2023 and grow at a CAGR of 4.09% to reach USD 11.13 billion by 2028. BAE Systems PLC, Rheinmetall AG, General Dynamics Corporation, Nexter Group, RUAG Group are the major companies.

[marketsndata]

[globalaviationanddefense]

[aviationd]

The naval ammunition market report covers current market size and 10 year naval ammunition market forecast It is segmented by type, technology, caliber, region

[market-insider]

Ammunition Market Driven By Rising Geopolitical Tension Across The Globe

The global ammunition market size is expected to reach USD 29.68 billion by 2030, according to a new report by Grand View Research, Inc. It is expected to expand at a CAGR of 3.2% from 2022 to 2030. Increasing investments in defense equipment by militaries on account of the rise in geopolitical tension across the globe are anticipated to drive the demand for ammunition in the estimated time. Increasing procurement of artillery and mortar platforms by the Indian Army over the next ten years through several development platforms is expected to raise the number of ammunition over the forecast period. Additionally, the rise in hostilities is expected to ascend the demand for ammunition in the Middle Eastern countries in the projected time frame.

Gain deeper insights on the market and receive your free copy with TOC now @: Ammunition Market Report

Technological innovations for the replacement of brass-based bullet cases using polymer-based bullet cases are expected to offer growth prospects to the market. The application of polymer materials in bullets reduces the ammunition weight by over 40%, wherein the impact of the same is unaffected, thereby making the ammunition lighter and more accurate when compared to conventional bullets. Rising geopolitical issues, warlike situations, and increasing terrorist activities across the globe are leading to the rise in stockpiling of ammunition by prominent militaries and armed forces. This strategy is likely to offer cost savings as the ammunition is purchased in high volume at cheap prices. This is anticipated to support the market growth in the estimated time.

Hunting in the European Union has led to an accumulation legacy of lead discharged from spent ammunition. This lead exhibits harmful toxic effects on the wildlife, environment, and humans who consume the hunted game meat. Thus, non-toxic lead substitutes for both shotgun and rifle ammunition have been developed and required in some jurisdictions of the European Union. In the European Union, more than 25 companies manufacture or distribute lead-free shotgun ammunition and further 14 companies distribute lead-free rifle ammunition. However, the wide transition in terms of using lead-free ammunition has been resisted by ammunition-making and hunting communities in the region.

[mariacallous]

We’re not out of the woods yet, though there’s good news in markets: Most economists are forecasting a soft landing in 2024. But a geopolitical hard landing could get in the way.

There are tools and processes to handle macroeconomic challenges. When inflation is too high, the Federal Reserve calibrates monetary policy and interest rates, often coordinating with peer institutions like the Bank of England and the European Central Bank. The results aren’t guaranteed or uniform—economists, investors, and policymakers debate policies and their consequences. However, if higher interest rates slow the economy and reduce inflation without causing a recession, we get a soft landing. That looks like the outcome we’ll ultimately achieve, with inflation down from its peak (though still above the 2 percent target), 353,000 new American jobs in January, and the International Monetary Fund revising its global growth forecast up to 3.1 percent.

The playbook in geopolitics is not as clear, and geopolitics has become a much more pessimistic field than the dismal science. There are wars in the Middle East and Europe, tensions in the Indo-Pacific, and deeper questions about what else the “end of the post-Cold War era” will bring. A geopolitical hard landing would entail multiple, connected, and expanding conflicts and crises that could overwhelm U.S.-led international system. The results could shift the balance of power and upend global markets.

What happens in geopolitics matters for global markets and for the way we live. Today’s geopolitical challenges aren’t transitory, they’re here to stay. They require timely interventions that consider realities of politics and resources, as well as factors like fear, honor, and interest, and the priorities and interests of sovereign nation-states. Too hawkish an approach can lead to overreach and blowback, while too much dovishness invites aggression and escalation. In fact, if the United States and its partners don’t get the trade-offs right in 2024, a geopolitical hard landing looks increasingly plausible.

Today, the world faces cascading conflicts of the type we haven’t seen in decades. After a chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, deterrence failed to prevent Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In 2023, deterrence also failed to prevent Hamas’s terrorist attack on Israel and Iranian-backed regional proxy attacks across the Middle East. Could deterrence one day fail in the Indo-Pacific, the world’s most populous and dynamic region? Where will the cascades stop?

Across Eurasia, the picture is not improving. Two years into a full-scale war defending themselves against Russia, Ukrainians now control more than 80 percent of their territory. But the situation on the ground remains fragile and political gridlock in Washington could result in a reversal of those gains���just recently, the Ukrainian-held town of Avdiivka fell to Russian advances. The Senate just passed by a vote of 70-29 a $95 billion aid package to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan—much of which would be spent in the United States restocking depleted weapons supplies—but the bill’s fate is uncertain in the House, and the United States has done its last drawdowns for Kyiv under existing authorities. And while the 27 members of the European Union agreed to a $54 billion package, they don’t have a robust industrial base and can’t produce enough artillery shells to meet their pledge of 1 million rounds by March. Meanwhile, Ukraine is rationing ammunition, and after Russia’s presidential election later this year—no surprises expected there—Vladimir Putin might be emboldened to order a larger mobilization.

Markets have largely priced in the current Russia-Ukraine war. But they may not have accounted for its long-term significance or what the war could mean for Europe. With Russia probing Finland and Estonia, German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius gave a sobering speech detailing what that could mean, saying that Germany needs to take into account that Moscow could “even attack a NATO country” in the next five to eight years.

In the Middle East, the conflicts after Hamas’s terrorist attacks on Israel on Oct. 7 represent the region’s greatest geopolitical test since the Global War on Terror. Israel continues operations to destroy Hamas while Iranian-backed proxies are escalating across at least six different theaters. The global economy and the U.S. Navy—which has been protecting international commerce since the days of the Barbary pirates—are under fire from the Houthis in Yemen. A full-scale regional war is likely not in the cards, although any escalation that brings the United States and Iran into direct confrontation could quickly change that. It’s not hard to see how it could happen, and if Iran—dominated by an 85-year-old Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the region’s longest-ruling leader—were to succeed in building a nuclear weapon, it could accelerate the chaos.

What has Washington, Wall Street, and global political and financial capitals around the world most worried, though, is the Indo-Pacific. For geopolitical reasons, China is pushing a “dual circulation” economic model and greater self-reliance at home, combined with economic embargoes against not only the United States but also countries such as Australia, Japan, Lithuania, and South Korea. At the same time, most of the tariffs that began under the Trump administration have continued under President Joe Biden, and U.S.-led restrictions have reduced semiconductor exports to China by billions of dollars. The focus on national security-sensitive supply-chain chokepoints in everything from microelectronics, to pharmaceuticals, to critical minerals and rare earths is adding friction to the global economy in ways that create risks and opportunities in other theaters.

The worst-case scenario—a military confrontation between China and neighbors such as Taiwan or the Philippines, backed by the United States—could lead to untold human losses and the greatest economic shock in generations. Bloomberg Economics recently estimated a cost of $10 trillion in the event of a war with the People’s Republic of China over Taiwan.

Historically, shocks like the 1973 Arab oil embargo and Russia’s war on Ukraine have disrupted but not upended global commerce. Today’s dynamic could be different, with acute and connected challenges across all three major regions of Eurasia, not to mention crises not in the headlines every day, such as a belligerent North Korea and contentious Venezuela-Guyana border.

The world as we have known it has assumed the leadership of a credible great power: the United States. Working with its allies and partners, the United States has built and supported the international security and economic architecture that benefits not only Americans but populations around the world. Another assumption was that no other country would have the intention and the capacity to reshape this U.S.-led international order. With challenges to U.S. leadership and a growing closeness amongst China, Iran, Russia, and even North Korea, neither assumption can be taken for granted.

The assumptions may have changed, but as with economics, nothing is inevitable in geopolitics. Last year, some forecasters said there was a 100 percent chance of a recession in 2023. They were wrong. However, soft landings don’t happen on their own—they require leadership across domains.

The war in Europe isn’t what it was a year ago. Ukraine’s 2023 counteroffensive didn’t succeed. Kyiv’s on the defensive, unlikely to take back significant territory in 2024. Russia is pushing forward and now spends 6 percent of its GDP on its military, up from 2.7 percent in 2021, and bolstered by munitions from Iran and North Korea. Meanwhile, as former Google CEO Eric Schmidt warned, Moscow has “caught up in the innovation contest” with Kyiv, domestically producing drones like the Orlan-10 and the Lancet. And after pivoting to Asian markets, Moscow has mitigated Western sanctions, while the IMF recently upped its forecast for Russia’s economic growth to 2.6 percent.

Despite setbacks, several factors still favor Ukraine even if the prospects of victory seem elusive at best. Without a single American in the fight, and at a cost of 5 percent of annual U.S. defense spending, U.S. intelligence now estimates that Moscow has lost as much as 90 percent of its 2022 invasion force. Ukraine is winning the battle of the Black Sea, and the grain corridor out of Odessa was open to over 33 million tons of grain and foodstuffs in the first six months of last year, two-thirds of which went to the developing world. Ukraine is targeting Russian-controlled infrastructure, including around Crimea. Kyiv is also expanding its defense industrial base, launching a Defense Industries Forum with 252 companies from 30 countries.

While Europe has been slow to bolster its own defense infrastructure, there’s momentum. European defense spending was up 6 percent in 2022, led by front-line democracies like Finland, Lithuania, Sweden, and Poland. Still, most of the NATO alliance’s members fail to meet their 2014 Wales Pledge to spend 2 percent of their GDP on defense, and even U.S. defense spending as a percent of GDP is projected to decline over the next 10 years, from 3.1 percent in 2023 to 2.8 percent in 2033. Ukraine cannot hold back a country 28 times its size, and with a population more than three times larger, without Western assistance. Likewise, European—let alone global—security can’t be sustained by diminishing deterrence capabilities.

In the Middle East, the main questions being asked today are about the “day after” in Gaza, or when and how the Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Iranian-back proxy attacks in Iraq will stop. Tehran has created a new normal of instability and chaos and has little incentive to see a ceasefire hold. The Houthis—once a relatively obscure Shi’a proxy group in Yemen—are now the heroes of much of the Arab street.

Iran’s strategic advantage in the short term has been enhanced by a radically changed information environment, where the “social-mediafication” of war means there are more hours of footage uploaded across all the popular social media platforms than there are seconds of the war. The ramifications are unpredictable—after all, many of the al Qaeda terrorists behind 9/11 were radicalized by pre-algorithmic content they saw coming out of war in Bosnia in the 1990s. Today’s AI-powered algorithms supercharge the risk.

The return to the bad old days, made worse by hyper-targeted online radicalization, needn’t happen, however. The Abraham Accords are holding. The Sunni Gulf countries are focused on transformation projects like Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, as they work to ensure that their economic progress is impacted as little as possible by geopolitics. Despite what’s happening in the Red Sea, their engagement with the international business community is largely uninterrupted. The same is true with Qatar.

The two factors that would bring the region back from the brink are restored deterrence against Iran and integration between Israel and the Gulf States. That means recognizing that Iran and its “axis of resistance” are the cause of today’s chaos. It requires working with partners like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which has relaunched defense talks with Washington and whose senior officials have said repeatedly that they are “absolutely” still interested in normalization with Israel.

The South China Sea and Taiwan Strait are dangerous but, thankfully, at peace. There was good news out of San Francisco from the November meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Biden. China’s responses to Taiwan’s election on Jan. 13 were more restrained than many expected. Now, much depends on how Beijing reacts to William Lai’s inaugural statements when he becomes Taiwan’s president in May.

But while Taiwan occupies our strategic focus today, it’s not the only potential hot spot. China borders 14 countries, giving it more land neighbors than any other state. Beijing has territorial disputes with nearly every country with which it shares a border; each of those disputes presents risks.

Still, maintaining an acceptable peace in the Indo-Pacific is possible. China’s more aggressive posture has driven significant changes in Australia, India, Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea, leading to minilateral coalitions for stability. The Quad, AUKUS, summits with South Korea and Japan, and basing agreements with the Philippines are a few such examples of how these countries are tightening cooperation with each other, and with the United States, Japan has committed to a sea change in defense policy that could turn the Japanese military into the world’s third largest by 2027.

In all this, however, there’s a missing link: Washington doesn’t yet have a strategy for economic engagement in the region. While agreements like the Beijing-backed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership expand, the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) is stalled, and IPEF—which the White House has described as “not a trade agreement”—is not a replacement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Washington’s economic policy should communicate that it is not a distant power but a reliable economic partner. As the NATO alliance nears its 75th anniversary, leaders need to be committed both rhetorically and in practice to sustaining peace and prosperity wherever it is challenged.

These geoeconomic forces are of concern to publics around the world. They aren’t, however, the domain of the public sector alone. Many of the same market dynamics bringing us in for an economic soft landing can be assets in global affairs. Global companies cannot succeed in a world at war, and the United States and its allies and partners can’t keep the peace without the growth and innovation made possible by the private sector.

The two sectors where this dynamic is clearest are in energy and emerging technologies. Developing new and sustainable energy sources is one of the best geopolitical and economic moves possible, and it’s largely due to private sector-led innovations that the United States has been the world’s top crude oil producer since 2018 and top liquid natural gas exporter since last year. In the coming years, technologies such as generative artificial intelligence—where the United States is leading—will be wildcards and lifelines in geopolitics, and technology companies will become greater geopolitical stakeholders. Such domains are where democratic societies—with deep and open capital markets, the rule of law, and property rights—have advantages that are sources of legitimacy, stability, and growth.

Building on those advantages this year, when 60 percent of the world’s population is heading to the polls, is a necessity. Billions of people voting for their leaders is welcome news after years of democratic decline globally documented by organizations such as Freedom House. But the coming changes in governments around the world could also make the end of this year very different from its beginning.

In particular, the 2024 U.S. presidential contest may be the most consequential in decades, not to mention one of the most significant geopolitical issues for other countries. Foreign policy is rarely top of mind for voters, but the people’s choice may have even greater ramifications for global affairs than for the economy. Trade and industrial policies adopted by either administration may bolster some sectors at home but elicit pushback abroad, including from partners. New approaches to America’s role in the world can reassure friends or embolden adversaries. And every leader is preparing by hedging their bets for either a Biden or Trump outcome.

In 2023, we understood what an economic hard landing might mean and took timely, prudent actions to prevent it. In 2024, it’s time to recognize that a geopolitical hard landing is possible and for every sector of society to meet this moment with the seriousness it demands.

[shambhavimmr]

The rise in security challenges in developing nations throughout the world, as well as the increased need for homeland security, are expected to drive the growth of the ceramic armor market during the forecast period. Furthermore, changes in the warfare environment, as well as the proliferation of deadly ammunition and weaponry, are driving the growth of the ceramic armor industry.

[b2bbusiness]

Spain Defense Market: A Comprehensive Overview

The Spain defense market has seen significant growth in recent years, driven by both domestic security concerns and Spain’s commitment to its international alliances, particularly NATO and the European Union. This article delves into the key factors shaping the defense industry in Spain, including market trends, major players, procurement strategies, and future forecasts.

Overview of Spain's Defense Market

Spain is among the leading defense spenders in Europe, reflecting its strategic position in Southern Europe and the Mediterranean. As of 2023, Spain’s defense budget is estimated at €14.7 billion, representing a substantial increase over the past decade. The country's defense policy aims to modernize its military capabilities, ensuring that Spain can respond to both conventional and non-conventional threats.

Key areas of investment include air and missile defense systems, naval modernization, cybersecurity, and defense electronics. Spain is also heavily involved in European defense initiatives, participating in collaborative projects such as the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) alongside France and Germany.

Defense Spending and Procurement

Spain’s defense spending has been gradually increasing, largely due to international pressure from NATO to allocate 2% of its GDP to defense. While it has not yet reached this target, Spain has steadily raised its defense budget, with significant investments in research and development, personnel, and procurement programs.

Major procurement programs include:

Naval Expansion: The Spanish Navy continues to modernize its fleet with the acquisition of new frigates, submarines, and support vessels. The F-110 frigate project is one of the flagship programs, providing advanced combat and defense capabilities.

Air Force Modernization: Spain is upgrading its fighter fleet by participating in the FCAS program. Additionally, Spain has been updating its fleet of Eurofighter Typhoon jets and has procured transport aircraft like the Airbus A400M.

Cyber Defense: With the growing threat of cyberattacks, Spain has placed increased emphasis on cybersecurity and digital defense systems. The country has launched initiatives to strengthen its cyber resilience, particularly within military and governmental infrastructure.

Major Players in Spain's Defense Industry

Several key defense contractors dominate the Spanish market, both domestic and international. The most notable domestic players include Navantia, Indra Sistemas, and Expal Systems.

Navantia: One of the largest shipbuilders in Spain, specializing in military vessels and submarines. Navantia plays a crucial role in Spain's naval expansion and modernization efforts.

Indra Sistemas: A technology and consulting firm that provides advanced defense electronics, IT solutions, and cybersecurity services to both the military and civilian sectors.

Expal Systems: A leading company in the field of ammunition and explosives, supporting the Spanish Armed Forces and export markets.

International defense companies, such as Airbus, Lockheed Martin, and Thales, also have a strong presence in Spain, providing key systems and technologies for the Spanish military.

Spain’s Role in International Defense

Spain is a vital member of NATO and the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). Its strategic location near the Strait of Gibraltar and its borders with North Africa make it a key player in regional security and counterterrorism operations.

Moreover, Spain actively participates in international peacekeeping missions, particularly in Africa and the Middle East, contributing both military personnel and resources to support stability and security in these regions. Spain’s involvement in multilateral organizations reinforces its commitment to collective defense and global security.

Challenges Facing Spain's Defense Market

While Spain’s defense market is growing, it faces several challenges:

Budgetary Constraints: Despite increasing defense spending, Spain faces economic pressures that could limit its ability to sustain high levels of defense investment in the long term.

Technological Gaps: While Spain is involved in cutting-edge programs like FCAS, it still relies on foreign technology for many critical defense capabilities, particularly in areas like missile defense and advanced avionics.

Geopolitical Risks: Spain’s proximity to North Africa and the Sahel region exposes it to geopolitical instability, including terrorism, illegal migration, and organized crime. Addressing these threats requires sustained investment in defense capabilities and international collaboration.

Future Outlook for Spain's Defense Market

The future of Spain’s defense market looks promising, with sustained growth expected over the next decade. The country’s commitment to NATO, its involvement in European defense projects, and the ongoing modernization of its armed forces will drive demand for advanced defense technologies and systems.

In the coming years, Spain is likely to focus on enhancing its cybersecurity capabilities, improving military mobility, and expanding its space defense capabilities. Additionally, Spain’s defense industry will likely seek to expand its footprint in the global market, particularly in Latin America and Africa, where Spanish companies are already well-positioned to offer defense solutions.

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[mohitbisresearch]

The global large caliber ammunition market is projected to reach $6,184.5 million by 2033 from $2,738.7 million in 2023, growing at a CAGR of 8.49% during the forecast period 2023-2033.