#Allotment dispute

[seemabhatnagar]

Punjab & Haryana High Court Upholds Permanent Lok Adalat’s Directive: Petitioner to Accept Alternative Plot

The High Court dismissed the writ petition filed by the petitioner, Pankaj Nandwani, upholding the award of the Permanent Lok Adalat as the petitioner had already been offered a suitable remedy.

Pankaj Nandwani v. Permanent Lok Adalat & Others

CWP 1637/2019

Before the High Court of Punjab and Haryana at Chandigarh

Heard by Hon'ble Mr. Justice Vinod S Bhardwaj J

Background:

The case revolves around a dispute between Pankaj Nandwani and a developer regarding the allotment of a residential plot in a project in the TDI City Sonipat, Haryana. Nandwani booked a plot in 2012, but due to delays and discrepancies, he sought either possession of the plot or a refund of his deposit. The matter was taken to the Permanent Lok Adalat, which directed the developer to offer an alternative plot. Dissatisfied, Nandwani filed a writ petition challenging this decision.

Legal Issue:

Whether the petitioner, Pankaj Nandwani, is entitled to either possession of the original plot, an alternative plot, or a refund of his deposit with interest, given the delays and issues in the project developed by the respondents.

Arguments of the parties:

Petitioner's Argument:

Despite the delay in receiving the allotment letter and the developer's failure to offer possession within a reasonable time, he continued to make payments in good faith.

However, when the developer failed to deliver possession, he sought either the plot or a refund with interest.

The petitioner argued that a refund with interest was justified due to the delay and breach of the agreement by the developer. The Permanent Lok Adalat's order did not fully address the financial loss and inconvenience suffered by the petitioner, leading to further dissatisfaction.

Respondents' Argument: The petitioner did not fulfill the payment terms, making his claim for the original plot untenable.

The delay was caused by external factors beyond their control, and an alternative plot was offered, which the petitioner refused.

Courts Observation:

The Permanent Lok Adalat had already provided a balanced resolution by offering the petitioner an alternative plot in the same location at the originally agreed price.

The respondents had been given ample opportunities to appear and defend his case, but he failed to do so, resulting in the ex parte proceedings.

Courts Order:

The court found that the Permanent Lok Adalat had acted within its jurisdiction under Section 22C of the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, and provided a fair solution by directing the developer to offer an alternative plot.

As such there was no substantial ground to interfere with the Lok Adalat's decision.

[uboat53]

Forget who won or lost last night's debate, let's face it, vice-presidential debates rarely do much to alter a presidential race and it's just an excuse for pundits to milk more paycheck. No, I want to talk about something a bit more important, did anyone else notice that J.D. Vance got very offended when the moderator dared to state factual information relevant to something he said?

This isn't a one-off either, Trump and most of his supporters have been outraged at fact-checkers generally ever since he started campaigning back in 2015. They've been working tirelessly ever since to try to define fact-checking out of the job of journalism.

In doing so, they use excuses like "well, if the other side disagrees then they can fact-check", but I want to make sure that every single person is clear as to why that's a terrible idea, because it is. Let's talk about the Gish Gallop.

Dwayne Gish was a creationist in the 1980s and, as was the style at the time, he would travel the country participating in formal debates with proponents of evolution. Over time, he developed the method that eventually was named after him, the Gish Gallop. The idea behind Gish Gallop is very simple, you make a bunch of statements in rapid succession. Each statement takes only a second or two to say, but would take minutes or longer to disprove. In a debate where only two sides are allowed to speak, this forces the other side to either let your statements go unchallenged or to spend all of their time disputing them, failing to make any points or their own and probably also failing to disprove all of them in the time allotted.

In other words, a debate where there is no requirement to make factual statements or back up anything you say with factual evidence is a debate that favors the liar.

Now, I reviewed a few fact-checks of the vice-presidential debate and one thing becomes immediately clear, J.D. Vance lied a lot more than Tim Walz did. Politifact checked Walz at 6 true statements to 2 false while Vance was at 6 false to 1 true, the AP had Vance at 5 false statements to Walz's 2, and Factcheck.org had Vance at 10 to Walz's 2 false staments.

Should Walz have been forced to use all of his debate time rebutting Vance's lies? More importantly, even if he did, was there any reliable way for the audience to tell, without outside information, which of them was telling the truth? Without a moderator whose job it is to point out factual information when one side or the other lies in their argument, there's no way for the side that is being truthful to win.

Now, if you're a Trumpist, that's obviously the goal, Trump lies a lot and everyone who follows him does too; setting the rules up for liars to win is obviously good for them. For the rest of us, though, anyone who isn't mindlessly dedicated to the cult of Trump, why would we want a system that rewards lying and penalizes the truth? I hope you can see that we wouldn't.

More importantly, think about what it means that one side is relentlessly pushing for rules of debate that massively advantage liars. The media itself also isn't blameless here, the Gish Gallop has been well known since the 1980s and the fact that the news media after nearly a full decade of Trump still hasn't taken the most basic lessons of how to deal with it is absurd and it's a huge failing of the so-called "bulwark of democracy".

Ultimately, though, you, as a citizen of a democracy, have the ability to make up your own mind. Whatever else you think, whatever policies you may prefer or whatever your political preferences may be, I want you to ask yourself one question:

Do you want people who incentivize lying to govern this country?

[lightsaber-dorphin]

Jedi Order Bureaucratic Structure

I’ve been working for a while on worldbuilding the inner workings of the Jedi Order. Below is a flowchart of the administrative bodies, their duties, and any other admin bodies they oversee. More details on each below the cut.

These are different groups involved in running the Jedi Order. For different roles within the Jedi, see my Jedi Order Corps and Subdivisions.

High Council: (Finance, bylaws, PR, major trials)

Determines the budget(s)

Relations with the Senate

Only body that can expel members

Librarian's Assembly: (Ensures knowledge is available to Jedi)

Fund academic researchers (many Jedi researchers work directly for the assembly)

Archives: (Run the Archives & research)

Host academic conferences

Protect important artifacts

Run basically directly by the Librarian's Assembly

Department of Classes: (Adult education)

Organize all classes that aren't geneds

Set criteria for certifications/ degrees

Help members get degrees from external organizations

Council of Reassignment: (Oversees transfers & is Jedi CPS)

New Initiate paperwork

Transfers between corps and/or branches

Helps members leave the Order

Checks the CoFK when necessary

Padawanship paperwork filed here (crèchemasters sign off, padawan signs off, check master for red flags/ not allowed to take apprentice, sometimes mind healer signs off)

Council of Justice: (Attourneys & internal justice system)

Try & punish cases committed by Jedi & internal to the Jedi Order

Mediate interpersonal disputes

Lawyers for the Order

Cannot expel members

Council of Outreach: (Manages outposts & patrols)

Assigns Jedi to satellite locations or watchfolk posts

Hires other outpost staff

Ships supplies to & from outposts

Tracks the locations of missions & sends Vanguards to areas that haven't been visited recently

Council of Temple Maintenance: (Oversees internal services and temple upkeep)

In charge of the cleaning droids

Coordinates trash & recycling with Coruscant government

Has the occasional member who can do specialized maintenance (ex. plumber, electrician)

Volunteers sign up to fix things

Hires outside contractors when there isn't a Jedi with the necessary skills

Assigns Jedi to living quarters

Interior decor

Delegates chores such as taking out the trash, mopping, dusting, etc.

Padawans and initiates are often assigned these chores as punishments

Kitchenmasters: (Mess halls)

Make & serve food in the mess halls

Label the food with which species can eat it

Order food supplies

Supervise initiate clans helping in the kitchens

Quartermasters: (Distribute supplies & manage finances)

Bulk-order supplies for the Order

Provide mission allotments

Desk operators help members pick up supplies

Accounting

Transport Office: (Run the hangar bay & speeder pool)

Responsible for the Order's vehicles

Mechanics

Vehicles are checked in & out like a library for cars & ships

Hire external staff when there aren't enough Jedi

Temple Guard: (Security & emergency response)

Guard against exterior threats to the temple

Security during criminal situations

Really good at sensing danger to temple inhabitants

First responders (fire & police-- MedCorp handles EMS)

Change lightbulbs and smoke detector batteries

Odd jobs on behalf of the CoTM

Uses the lore by Adsecula in "Nameless"

Council of Reconciliation: (Central hub of Jedi outreach & diplomacy)

All aid requests go through them

Sets mission objectives

Approve or deny aid/ mission requests

Reviews behavior of Jedi on missions when there are issues

Mission Consignment: (Assign Jedi to approved missions)

Desk jockeys

Not officially divided by type of mission/ Jedi role needed, but missions will be passed to people who are more familiar with the experts required

Organizes specifics for missions such as transportation and housing

Council of First Knowledge: (Runs Initiate & Padawan dorms, clans, & childhood education)

Initiate clans members live together with their crèchemasters rotating out night shifts

Padawans & Senior Initiates live in individual rooms in designated halls with some crèchemasters living in each hall

Department of Seekers: (Regulates conduct of Seekers)

Create regulates for what Seekers can & cannot do & how they should act

Investigate reported misconduct by Seekers

Crèche: (Organizes care for Initiates)

Sort Initiates into clans

Run events/ field trips/ etc.

Set educational standards

see my post about Living Quarters in the Jedi Temple

Department of Primary Classes: (Classroom education for younglings)

Standard elementary school operation stuff

Provides the general education classes all Jedi take as younglings

Circle of Healers: (Sets certification requirements)

Certified to train medical professionals for a variety of degrees

Determines when Jedi have fulfilled requirements for medical certifications

Sets the qualifications for Force-specific medical degrees

Halls of Healing: (Healthcare within the Order & internal outreach)

Like a local hospital but also has general practitioners

IRB: (Reviews research for ethical concerns)

Institutional Review Board

"Under FDA regulations, an Institutional Review Board is group that has been formally designated to review and monitor biomedical research involving human subjects. In accordance with FDA regulations, an IRB has the authority to approve, require modifications in (to secure approval), or disapprove research. This group review serves an important role in the protection of the rights and welfare of human research subjects."

IRB for the entire Order, not just the MedCorps

[olowan-waphiya]

Tribes welcome return of ancestral lands

Tuesday, February 14, 2023 By Kevin Abourezk, Indianz.Com Kimberly Morales Johnson can’t help but imagine the land that today is Los Angeles as her ancestors would have seen it centuries ago. The Tongva people used the canyons of the San Gabriel Mountains as trading routes with the indigenous people of the Mojave desert. Last year, the Tongva reclaimed land in Los Angeles for the first time in almost 200 years after being forced to give up their lands and having their federal status terminated by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1950.

Sharon Alexander, a non-Native woman, donated a one-acre property in Altadena, California, to the Tongva after learning about the #LandBack movement during the 2016 Democratic National Convention and discovering that the Tongva were the original inhabitants of Los Angeles.

Johnson, vice president of the Tongva Taraxat Paxaavxa Conservancy, a nonprofit set up by the community to receive the land, said the tribe has big plans for the property. “It needs a lot of work, but we’re all dedicated to it,” she said.

In 2022, thousands of acres of private and public land in America were returned to the care of Native peoples. Many of these lands were returned to their original inhabitants, including the one-acre property in Los Angeles.

A website called the Decolonial Atlas created a “Land Back” map charting the locations of land returns that occurred last year. Other land returns that occurred last year include 40 acres around the Wounded Knee National Historic Landmark, the site of the 1890 Wounded Knee Massacre. The Oglala Sioux Tribe and the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe bought the land for $500,000.

“It’s a small step towards healing and really making sure that we as a tribe are protecting our critical areas and assets,” Oglala Sioux Tribe President Kevin Killer told The Associated Press.

Although not a land return, the Biden administration last year signed an agreement giving five tribes – the Hopi, Navajo, Ute Mountain Ute, Ute Indian Tribe of the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, and Pueblo of Zuni – greater oversight of the 1.3-million acre Bears Ears National Monument in Utah.

Last year, the Rappahannock Tribe celebrated the return of more than 400 acres along the Rappahannock River that is home to a historic tribal village named Pissacoack and a four-mile stretch of white-colored cliffs.

“Your ancestors cherished these lands for many generations and despite centuries of land disputes and shifting policies, your connections to these cliffs and to this river remain unbroken,” Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland said at an event celebrating the land return. One of the largest land returns last year involved the purchase of more than 28,000 acres by the Bois Forte Band of Chippewa Tribe in Minnesota.

The Conservation Fund, an environmental nonprofit, sold the land to the tribe after purchasing the land from a lumber manufacturer in 2020. Emilee Nelson, Minnesota associate state director of The Conservation Fund, said her organization bought the land from the PotlatchDeltic Corporation after the company decided to divest of much of its Minnesota land holdings. The Conservation Fund bought 72,000 acres from the company, including 28,000 acres that were within the Bois Forte Reservation. The Boise Fort Band lost the land following passage of the Dawes Act of 1887, which led to the allotment of the land to private landowners. “Where this land was located made a lot of sense for the tribe to own it,” Nelson said.

However, he said, tribes don’t always want to purchase land or even accept a land donation, especially if they don’t think they’ll be able to put it into federal trust status. He offered advice to those considering donating their land to a tribe. “If you want to make a donation, sell the land and make a donation,” he said.

As for the one-acre land donation to the Tongva, Kimberly Morales Johnson said the tribe plans to use the land to create a community center where it will be able to host cultural workshops and where Tongva people will be able to gather plants sacred to their people, including the acorns from the oak trees on the property.

“This is about self-determination and sovereignty,” she said. The tribe is also allowing a tribal artist to live on the land and take care of it, she said. The Tongva have also begun working to return Native plants to the property and remove invasive species.

“This whole LandBack movement is rooted in healing, and instead of looking at land as a commodity, we’re looking at it as a way to have a relationship with the land and with each other and bringing back our traditions, our language, our food, our culture,” she said.

[unsoundedask]

Did you ever think of setting your brobdingnagian intellect towards the task of preventing the premature aging of the hethlott and renghul? or do you share the opinion of the late master Ballanstern, that plats and silvers have their biologically alotted time the same as hounds and two toes have theirs?

I wonder how you can dispute it? It is not some barmy curse set upon them, some witch's spell. The blessed castes, as they are called, are born with bodies fashioned by the khert to provide them the years their kind are allotted. Their mortality is broadly as unjust as all of our mortality, but they must blame their parents for making them - not gods, not pymary, and certainly not we artificers and gruftgrammars who have more pressing concerns.

However I will tell this to you, who has but a thimbleful of brains: you are as like to convince the snake to worry over the welfare of the mouse as to convince a Jet or a Copper to care that the blessed castes live short lives.

[dailyanarchistposts]

Kaianere’kó:wa as Constitution of a Stateless Polity?

Some have been tempted to submit a particular translation and transcription of the Kaianere’kó:wa to a political-science constitutional analysis. Depending on the version of the Kaianere’kó:wa, an analyst might come to the conclusions that Donald S. Lutz has: that the Rotinonshón:ni was not a participatory democratic confederacy of equal nations, but rather a hereditary oligarchy in which the Kanien’kehá:ka enjoyed a privileged position in making proposals to the council. [81] Lutz only consults the versions of the Kaianere’kó:wa published by Gawasco Waneh (Arthur Parker). In fact, his analysis focuses only on a single version written by Dayodekane (Seth Newhouse), and ignores a different version approved by the roiá:ner at Ohswé:ken, which was included in Gawasco Waneh’s volume. According to Snow, “The Newhouse version tells us as much, if not more about political conditions on the Grand River at the end of the nineteenth century than it does about the origins of the League” [82]. The Grand Council of the Haudenosaunee believe that no one version is preferred and that “many traditional leaders feel that none of the written versions have all of the known oral history included.” [83]

Atsenhaienton (Kenneth Deer) objects to the Kaianere’kó:wa even being called “the Great Law” and those that would treat it as such: “it’s not a law: it’s guidelines to help people get to harmony and coexistence... They look at the Great Law and interpret it the way a constitutional lawyer would. That’s not the way it was intended to be treated.” [84] Even if the Kaianere’kó:wa should not be given a strict legalist reading, among its principles is a metaphor for amendment: “adding to the rafters” of the long house. This includes meetings among the traditional Rotinonshón:ni involving not only the roiá:ner but all the people, as a check on their power. [85]

The influence of Lewis Henry Morgan’s study of the Rotinonshón:ni on Marx and Engels’ concept of a stateless communist society is well known. In The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Engels summarized Morgan’s description of the Rotinonshón:ni society:

“No soldiers, no gendarmes or police, no nobles, kings, regents, prefects, or judges, no prisons, no lawsuits — and everything takes its orderly course. All quarrels and disputes are settled by the whole of the community affected, by the gens or the tribe, or by the gentes among themselves; only as an extreme and exceptional measure is blood revenge threatened-and our capital punishment is nothing but blood revenge in a civilized form, with all the advantages and drawbacks of civilization. Although there were many more matters to be settled in common than today — the household is maintained by a number of families in common, and is communistic, the land belongs to the tribe, only the small gardens are allotted provisionally to the households — yet there is no need for even a trace of our complicated administrative apparatus with all its ramifications. The decisions are taken by those concerned, and in most cases everything has been already settled by the custom of centuries. There cannot be any poor or needy — the communal household and the gens know their responsibilities towards the old, the sick, and those disabled in war. All are equal and free — the women included. There is no place yet for slaves, nor, as a rule, for the subjugation of other tribes.” [86]

While Engels is right to commend the communal economy, sexual equality, and horizontal political structure of the Rotinonshón:ni, he erred in claiming that there were no ranks of social prestige with political responsibilities. The anthropological definition of “egalitarian” is narrow. There are some “rank societies in which positions of valued status are somehow limited so that not all those of sufficient talent to occupy such statuses actually achieve them. Such a society may or may not be stratified. That is, a society may sharply limit its positions of prestige without affecting the access of its entire membership to the basic resources upon which life depends” [87] While the numbers of roiá:ner and iakoiá:ner were limited by the Kaianere’kó:wa to certain kahwá:tsire, positions of ohnkanetoten were open to all men on the basis of merit and selection by the roiá:ner council. As has already been explained, Rotinonshón:ni society had a communal work and consumption ethic (the communal economy of the “one bowl”), so although ranks of prestige did exist, they did not serve in a position of accumulating or redistributing wealth.

Graeber, who as an anarchist is quite suspicious of all hierarchy, says of the traditional Rotinonshón:ni, “for all the complex federative structure, society was in most respects highly egalitarian. Office-holders, male and female, were elected from among a pool of possible heirs; the offices themselves, at least the male political ones, were considered as much a responsibility as a reward as they involved no real material rewards and certainly granted the holder no coercive power.” [88]

While it is often argued that the roiá:ner were traditionally selected from certain matrilineal lines, and that not all kahwá:tsire were able to select candidates, this varied over time and location. Teiowí:sonte describes modern debates around heredity: “To some, heredity is the very essence of Haudenosaunee governance and an integral factor in leadership selection... To others, this concept represents the infiltration of European corruption into Haundenosaunee leadership selection and the fortification of a class system invading our traditional concept of democracy with notions of royalty. Likewise, advocates against the heredity concept believe it to be a non-traditional convention that is a fairly recent development resulting from colonization.” [89] Snow claims that “Each nation devised its own internal mechanism for selecting and organizing its League Chiefs”[90]; and that ohnkanetoten were created to specifically deal with the issue of empowering men who did not come from the distinct matrilineal lines eligible for becoming roiá:ner. [91] He argues further that at times, the ranks may have represented a political class distinct from the common Rotinonshón:ni, and a class of slaves made up of captives who had not been adopted [92]—a situation which would have been most pronounced during the Beaver Wars.

Graeber notes this as well. “It was around this period one reads accounts of a society effectively divided into classes, with adopted prisoners doing the bulk of the menial labor and with members of their adopted families having the right to kill them for the slightest infranctions or impertinence... [T]his exceptionally brutal period did not last long: the children of these captives were considered full members of their adoptive clans.” [93] As we have seen from the life of Thaientané:ken, the descendents of adoptees had the same political rights of common Rotinonshón:ni and could be selected as ohnkanetoten. It is seemingly without contradiction that Snow also describes how little authority came with rank: “Although men appointed by each ohwachira probably met as a village council, they had little authority beyond the force of their personalities. This in turn meant that face-to-face persuasion was the rule.” [94] Kanatiiosh emphasizes that “being a chief or a clan mother is just as important as being a person without a title, for all people are held responsible for preserving and protecting the Great Law of Peace.” [95]

Circle Wampum [96]

Bonaparte, who himself served as a former elected chief of the Mohawk Council of Akwesasne,[97] does not even think that roiá:ner should be called “chiefs”: “a lot of our people don’t like using the term “chief” instead of “royaner,” because chief is such a generic term. You’ve got fire chiefs, police chiefs, chief of staff, etc. Those are positions where the people who have them are empowered to make decisions for a group, whereas our “royaners” are facilitators for having the group itself come to the decision, and who then act upon that decision.” [98] Indeed, the focus on decision-making among the Rotinonshón:ni was always to reach consensus. Snow has argued that the Rotinonshón:ni “emphasized consensus rather than executive authority, unanimity rather than majority rule, and equality rather than hierarchy” [99] Taiaiake goes so far as to write that “holding non-consensual power over others is contrary to tradition. Whatever the purpose behind the use of arbitrary authority, the power relationship is wrong”. [100] Richter describes a state of universal suffrage, claiming that voting in the council was open to all who had reached the age of maturity.[101]

Those familiar with the institution of consensus-based spokecouncils, used recently in the protests against corporate neoliberalism (“anti-globalization”), will notice many similarities with Kahentinetha Horn’s description of consensual decision-making among the Kanien’kehá:ka:

“[N]o one can impose their will nor make decisions for another, all must understand the viewpoint and agree of their own free will. The goal is not total agreement, but total understanding. If there is no agreement, then the consensus is to retain the status quo. If there is understanding by all then they go ahead with the decision... In entering the consensual decision-making process, whatever ideas are put into the process, the needs and attitudes of each is considered and complements the decision. Also, the individual has a duty to be directly involved, and to bring their ideas into the discussion within their clan. The final decision will be fully satisfactory to some, satisfactory to others and relatively satisfactory to the remainder, and will reflect elements from every group. This is a slow careful process requiring the reaching of a full understanding by each individual and not a decision made by a ‘leader.’ The person who explains the decision is a spokesman.” [102]

The Kaianere’kó:wa lacks the monopoly of force and the authority of coercive control that define statist polities. It is a mutual agreement of non-aggression among its participants, aimed primarily on maintaining peaceful relations among them, rather than a guiding document for the rule of elites over the rest of society. Richter has stated that “the coercive exercise of authority was virtually unknown” among the Rotinonshón:ni,[103] and that their “political values were essentially noncompetitive.” [104] Graeber believes that “the entire political apparatus was seen by its creators primarily as a way of resolving murderous disputes. The League was less a government, or even alliance, than a series of treaties establishing amity and providing the institutional means for preventing feuds and maintaining harmony among the five nations that made it up. For all their reputation as predatory warriors, the Iroquois themselves saw the essence of political action to lie in making peace.” [105]

Justice among the traditional Rotinonshón:ni was the responsibility of everyone, particularly one’s matrilineal kin. The focus was on condoling kahwá:tsire for their loss and on regulating social behavior through popular opinion, rather than through justice administered by a specialized class. While some see the offering of wampum to the family of a murder victim to as a reparational payment, comparable to the Northern European weregild, Morgan claimed that “the present of white wampum was not in the nature of a compensation of the life of the deceased, but of a regretful confession of the crime, with a petition for forgiveness. It was a peace-offering, the acceptance of which was pressed by mutual friends, and under such influences that the reconciliation was usually effect, except, perhaps, in aggravated cases of premeditated murder.” [106]

Wallace’s interpretation echoes Engel’s analysis of Rotinonshón:ni justice: “Behavior was governed not by published laws enforced by police, courts, and jails, but by oral tradition supported by a sense of duty, a fear of gossip, and a dread of retaliatory witchcraft. Theft, vandalism, armed robbery, were almost unknown. Public opinion, gently exercised, was sufficient to deter most persons from property crimes, for public opinion went straight to the heart of the matter: the weakness of the criminal.” [107] And Kanatiiosh argues that European settler “hierarchy breeds competition, and competition breeds anger, resentment, hatred, and can lead to revenge, which only continues the vicious cycle of violence. Western society is dependent on imprisonment, fines and other punishments, which are supposed to keep social order.” She contrasts that system of coercive punishment with the legal principles of the Kaianere’kó:wa, which created a “shared community where people have mutual respect for the entire group rather then interested only in one’s self. Perhaps a little spirituality, shame, guilt, and respect of self and community would be the best elements to include in a recipe for a true system of justice.” [108]

Richter repeatedly describes the traditional polity of the Rotinonshón:ni as a “nonstate society” [109] and “a system dependent upon voluntary compliance”. [110] His insistence on the difference between the Rotinonshón:ni and the colonial states it was contemporary with is worth emphasizing:

“Making and preserving peace, then was the purpose of the League, and accordingly the Grand Council apparently did not undertake the kinds of political functions of decision making and diplomacy characteristic of state-organized governments. In the early seventeenth century, the League possessed few state like characteristics: the Five nations had little in the way of common foreign policy, no effective means of devising unified strategies, and no central government in the sense that term is usually understood by Americans. Indeed, on various issues the ten or so autonomous towns of Iroquoia were often at odds with one another as they were in consensus. The League was not designed to remedy the deficit—nor, apparently, did the Iroquois people even perceive that there was any kind of deficit...” Daniel Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse [111]

While the exact definition of a “state” is elusive, none can deny that states wield a legal monopoly of violence, and that the state therefore takes a coercive role in regards to its citizens. In respect to the degree of a given polity’s coercive control over its constituent members, we can imagine a spectrum with the totalitarian state on one end and a stateless society, an anarchy, on the other. Societies that are more ranked and stratified are more statist. Along this spectrum, the Rotinonshón:ni polity falls toward the pole of statelessness, having extremely limited ranking, and lacking in both coercive authority and economic stratification.

The anarchist historian George Woodcock believed that the Rotinonshón:ni’s polity amounted to a stateless confederation: “a common council of sachems, in whose selection the women, whose influence derived from their control of agriculture, played a great role; but this council did not interfere in the internal affairs of the tribes, so that it remained the coordinating body of a true confederation rather than the government of the state.” [112] Colonial historian Francis Jennings recognizes that it was “a league of friendship and mutual assistance, but ... a league of consultation and contract rather than a government of legislative command”. [113] Member nations “never gave up their power of individual decision. Often they struggled for dominance within the league, and sometimes (though rarely) they came to blows with each other. These phenomena were also to be observed among colonial towns and villages, but whereas the Iroquois tribes maintained local independence throughout their existence, the colonies gradually came under more and more effective central controls.” [114] All Rotinonshón:ni nations are equal, regardless of their number of clans, size of territory or numbers of population. [115] Bookchin, who so often suggested New England town-meeting democracy as a basic building block of libertarian municipalist confederation, would have done well to have taken the advice of Mitchel Cohen, and examine the Rotinonshón:ni polity as an example of the very sort of ideal of that he was advocating:

“Town meetings, according to Bookchin, are the American equivalent of the Greek polis — and why does he not seek to emulate the Iroquois tribal council instead or any of a hundred non-European forms? Linked together, local communities form the potential, according to Bookchin, for a “federated municipalism.” All other forms, particularly those created by native peoples, are seen as inferior. American Indian communities are diminished, in Bookchin’s framework, because of their lack of rational municipal debate. The framework of the colonizer informs Bookchin’s ideas despite himself, disempowering radical ecology movements and undermining their potential.”[116]

[meloarto-me]

Story

Good morning!

I'm just starting a story, and I'm gonna tell you a little bit about it to make it easier to understand.

Starting with this I was inspired a bit by “Hungry Days x One Piece”. Since there are characters in the school, they run their own companies (Arlong), I really liked it and decided that I would use this idea.

Going back to that, it will mostly revolve around my characters Oc and the fishers from One Piece.

My characters are Viktor, Yoko, Pearl and Rose. The rest of the character belongs to the great creator Eiichiro Oda.

A lot of the characters in this version are alive and well.

Fisher Tiger lives and runs a law firm, Jinbe works as a Tutor. The Neptune family, including Otohime, occupy the roles of ala president over the fish race (most fishes and mermaids live on the land allotted to them). Arlong wants to be a lawyer and be like Tiger, but he works at a restaurant and he studies, so he's having a hard time. Chuu wants to be a fashion designer, Hachi the best chef and Kuroobi the karate master. Aladdin's a doctor. The rest in the future

Hode Jones' group is a bunch of troublemakers who often get into trouble, even though some of them work and go to school. But they also have their own people-hating group.

Straw hats are students of the school (they are 18 to 23 years old. Only Chopper is 16.)

The main character will be Rose. It's a 20-year-old shark-human hybrid, due to an accident in the past, there's no membranes between the toes and no fins on the back.

The story tells about dreams and difficulties in adulthood, job search, new acquaintances, love disputes, mental problems, a little gore.

It's a little about it and I have a question Would anyone like to read such a story?????

[gallifreyinstituteforlearning]

🧟‍♂️Regenerating Past 13 Lives

There was once a Time Lord who deliberately tried to regenerate beyond their allotted thirteen lives. This resulted in them degenerating into matter and random molecules. Some accounts suggest the Master tried a similar thing, resulting in a zombie-like, emaciated cadaver form, but this version of events is disputed.

(The World Shapers, The Deadly Assassin, The Keeper of Traken)

Whoniverse Facts for Friday by GIL

More content ... →📫Got a question? | 📚Complete list of Q+A →😆Jokes |🩻Biology |🗨️Language |🕰️Throwbacks |🤓Facts →🫀Gallifreyan Anatomy and Physiology Guide (pending) →⚕️Gallifreyan Emergency Medicine Guides →📝Source list (WIP) →📜Masterpost If you're finding your happy place in this part of the internet, feel free to buy a coffee to help keep our exhausted human conscious. She works full-time in medicine and is so very tired 😴

[museeeuuuum]

This post is a continuation of my introduction to the heritage house museum that I work at (enjoy).

In my last post, I gave a very broad overview of Point Ellice House, but I want to spend some time on this post introducing you to the O’Reilly family. They lived at PEH between 1867 and 1975 (which equates to 108 years, and three generations of family). The first generation to call this place home were Peter and Caroline O’Reilly.

Peter O’Reilly emigrated from Ireland in 1859. He was an avid diarist, and thanks to his consistent record keeping we know about everything from house repairs and the payment of household staff, to details about his work and travels across British Columbia. Peter held a number of colonial government positions including that of Judge and Gold Commissioner, but his most prominent role was as Indian Reserve Commissioner. Over the course of the 18 years he held this position, he was responsible for the allotment of reserve lands to the various First Nations of British Columbia. The land reserves that he staked out in the 1880’s and 1890’s are intact today and his diaries and papers are often used in ongoing land disputes between the various indigenous nations and the Government of British Columbia.

He married Caroline Trutch in 1863. If you are at all familiar with the history of BC, you know that the name “Trutch” is quite loaded for a number of reasons, primarily due to the infamy of Caroline's brother, Joseph Trutch (Lieutenant Governor, and generally Bad Guy).

Peter and Caroline would have 4 children: Frank, Kathleen, Mary, and Jack. Unfortunately, Mary did not live past her 7th birthday, but the other three siblings would live at Point Ellice House until their deaths.

As part of our mission statement and overall goals with Point Ellice House, we do not shy away from the unsavoury side of the history. There are many interpretive panels throughout the house that seek to inform visitors of the history of the land they stand on, as well as the origins of the O’Reilly’s wealth. We discuss the tea, roses, and romance of the 19th century, but we also do not sugarcoat how these colonial settlers lived or how they came by their lives of luxury.

If you enjoy these posts, I also have a Youtube channel where I chat “in person” about niche historical topics and museums. If you enjoy my content, you can buy me a ko-fi or join one of my membership tiers (which have some juicy perks!). Thank you for joining the adventure!

[jobaaj]

The 500-year wait is over! Lord Ram is home!! Check out the full timeline:🔽🔽 - 1528: According to the history books, Babur's general Mir Baq was in charge of constructing the Babri masjid at the place where Lord Ram was born. The old temple was destroyed to construct the mosque.

- 1530-65: Unverified reports suggest communal violence over the Mandir-Masjid debate and Akbar, the then Mughal ruler, set up a common platform for worship. - 1853-85: After almost 330 years, communal violence erupts again. The British Empire sets up partitions and Mahant Das’s plea to build a canopy above the platform is denied. - 1949: The turning point comes when the idol of Lord Ram appears from inside the mosque. According to Muslims, the idol was placed inside the mosque by a radical Hindu outfit. As both parties file multiple lawsuits, the situation gets more complicated.

- 1950-61: Multiple lawsuits are filed and other parties join the fray with both sides claiming the land as theirs. - 1983-1989: The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) starts a nationwide move to build a temple and legal tensions flare up. Muslims set up the Babri Masjid Committee and the former VP of the VHP files a suit on behalf of Lord Ram to get possession and the first stone for the temple is laid. - 1990: BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani’s Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya saw thousands of volunteers march as they partially damaged the mosque in a scuffle that left scores dead. - 1992: The bloodiest event in the Mandir-Masjid dispute as Hindu volunteers demolish the mosque and a bloody battle erupts throughout the nation. Over 2,000 were reported dead. A small tent is set up where the idol is placed for worship. - 2002: PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee sets up an Ayodhya cell and the Allahabad HC judges begin determining ownership of the site. - 2003: The Archaeological Survey of India begins surveying the area and a survey reveals the existence of a temple’s remains beneath the mosque. Muslims challenge the findings as tensions continue. - 2010: The disputed land is split into 3 parts where one went to the Hindus, another to the Muslims, and the final one to the Nirmohi Akhara. - 2011: All 3 parties approach the Supreme Court to challenge the Allahabad HC’s judgment and the SC issues a stay on the order. - 2015-18: The SC removes all irrelevant parties from the lawsuit as the matter gets more sensitive during that time. - 2019: After a failed mediation attempt, a five-judge bench announces a judgment in favor of the Hindus, and the Muslims are allotted 5 acres for the construction of another mosque. - 2020: PM Narendra Modi lays the foundation stone for the construction alongside a commemorative plaque and a special postage stamp. - 22nd January 2024: The temple is officially consecrated and Lord Ram, who has been in a tent since 1992, is unveiled for worship in a state-of-the-art temple. Follow Jobaaj Stories (the Media arm of Jobaaj.com Group) for more.

[onlinesikhstore]

Sikh Sarbloh Kara Smooth Design Singh Kaur Khalsa Kada Bangle Kakaar 5Ks New DD3 Sikh Sarbloh CHAKRI Kara Smooth Design Singh Kaur Khalsa Kada Bangle Kakaar 5Ks New. Kara Ref: DD3 Width is approx 8.3mm Thickness from inner side of Chakri to the edge of Chakri is approx. 12.3mm Weight Approx 110-155g (Variable due to size) Handmade design - therefore each kara is a Unique design Please note these Pure Sarbloh Kara are very hard to find and is a customised design exclusive to OnlineKaraStore  These karas are from the Holy City of Amritsar (Golden Temple/Darbar Sahib).  KARA Size is the internal diameter of Karas measured in CMs.  There may be little bit rust present which is seen commonly in all SARBLOH KARAS due to purity of the metal/wrought iron. Cuts, dings and scruff Mark's may present as these kara are hand made and transported in Jumble in Jute bags. However, our kara will be near to perfection as we get these manufactured on demand and use bubble wraps to transport these.  Please read below more Information about Sikh Kara:  A kara (Punjabi: ਕੜਾ (Gurmukhi), کڑا (Shahmukhi) कड़ा (Devanagari)), is a steel or iron (sarb loh) bracelet, worn by all initiated Sikhs. It is one of the five kakars or 5Ks — external articles of faith — that identify a Sikh as dedicated to their religious order. The kara was instituted by the tenth Sikh guru Gobind Singh at the Baisakhi Amrit Sanskar in 1699. Guru Gobind Singh Ji explained:  He does not recognise anyone else except me, not even the bestowal of charities, performance of merciful acts, austerities and restraint on pilgrim-stations; the perfect light of the Lord illuminates his heart, then consider him as the immaculate Khalsa.  The kara is to constantly remind the Sikh disciple to do God's work, a constant reminder of the Sikh's mission on this earth and that he or she must carry out righteous and true deeds and actions, keeping with the advice given by the Guru. The Kara is a symbol of unbreakable attachment and commitment to God. It is in the shape of a circle which has no beginning and no end, like the eternal nature of God. It is also a symbol of the Sikh brotherhood. As the Sikhs' holy text the Guru Granth Sahib says "In the tenth month, you were made into a human being, O my merchant friend, and you were given your allotted time to perform good deeds." Similarly, Bhagat Kabir reminds the Sikh to always keep one's consciousness with God: "With your hands and feet, do all your work, but let your consciousness remain with the Immaculate Lord." The basic kara is a simple unadorned steel bracelet, but other forms exist. It was historically used like a knuckle-dusterfor hand-to-hand combat. Battlefield variations include kara with spikes or sharp edges. Sikh soldiers of the British Indian army would settle disputes by competing in a form of boxing known as loh-musti (lit. iron fist) with a kara on one hand.  PLEASE NOTE: Please measure/check size of your kara/bracelet first while ordering to avoid any hassle or posting it back to us and paying extra for p&p for exchange and swap of karas with other desired sizes.  There will be charge of £5 p&p towards exchange/swap of Kara for any size issues for UK buyers and £12 p&p for international buyers that needs to be paid by PayPal in advance or interested buyer can send us pa repaid self addressed envelope for any exchange/swap along with the original item in its original packaging and buyer should also return us the gift item/bags sent along with the item for appreciation of purchase. We may post back gift items/bags along with the swapped item.  P.S. Colour of item may slightly vary due to camera flash and light conditions. Some Karas may have negligible small black grinding mark on the kara joint. This is always seen on all karas as most of the Kara making/shaping work is done by hands. However, this do not affect the quality/look of Kara. #Kara #KaraforLife #SikhKara #SarblohKara #Sarbloh #5Ks #SinghKara #SikhBracelet #KhalsaKada #Kada #SinghisKing Brilliant finish and very decorative. Ideal gift item for loved ones on any Occasion. Please follow us on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter @OnlineSikhStore #OnlineSikhStore Free Royal Mail Postage in UK.  Postage discounts will be given to International buyers for multi-buys. Any questions please do not hesitate to contact us. P.S. Colour of item may slightly vary due to camera flash and light conditions. Size is approximate it and may differ by few mm from Kara to Kara or because of Digital Vernier Calliper errors. There may be rust present or marks of rust present as rust is natural characteristic of pure iron/sarbloh. These kara do require cleaning with Sharp Sand or Brasso Polish. These are usually treated with coconut oil to maintain shine after cleaning.

[notsoterriblymisanthropic]

Support us!

Rozbrat is one of the oldest occupied social centres in Europe. This year, a small but central part of the land on which Rozbrat is located was put up for sale. We have bought it in order to secure greater control over the entire occupied area. This cost us 320,000 zloty (about 70,000 euros or £60,000). We paid for it using private loans from our friends through an association we founded especially for this purpose. We are now collecting donations to repay the private loans and to keep the property in the long term.

Rozbrat has been occupied for 29 years. Until today, we have fought and won the most important battles on the streets and in the courts: against property developers, private speculators and their allies in the city administration and the state apparatus. Some of the current owners have lost hope of evicting us and making profits from building projects for the rich. Now we have taken the opportunity to create a significant barrier for further property speculation by buying a strategic share of the site.

Help us achieve this goal permanently!

What is Rozbrat? The story of the Rozbrat at Ulica Pułaskiego 21a in Poznań began in 1994, when a group of people occupied a site of dilapidated commercial buildings neglected by the state and private owners. Since then, Rozbrat has fulfilled a central function as an infrastructure for social initiatives in Poznań and beyond. The campaigns against the eviction of Rozbrat have given rise to the local tenants' movement and the WSL (Wielkopolska Tenants' Association). Our active participation in struggles in the factories contributed to the foundation of the trade union IP (Inicjatywa Pracownicza - Workers' Initiative). Rozbrat is involved in the organisation of the Social Women's Congress, which is a counter-proposal to the bourgeois Polish "Women's Congress". Here women workers and activists coordinate activities for social justice for women. The Freedom Fighters group, which runs a sports room at Rozbrat, came out of the anti-fascist and anti-racist activities of Rozbrat. Since 2013 the Freedom Fighters organise an annual martial arts tournament at Rozbrat.

The disputes about the continued existence of Rozbrat have always been about climate justice, as Rozbrat is located in the so-called Western Green Belt of Poznań, which supplies the whole city with oxygen, but is desired by real estate speculators and the city as a potential building site close to the city centre. At Rozbrat, groups are also active at the forefront of the fight against the hunting of wild animals and the cutting down of the last primeval forests in Poland. In the last few years, right next to the Rozbrat site, a former allotment garden site was occupied, which was to be privatised and flattened. After the development company gave up, the urban gardening project WOMB (Free Urban Garden Bogdanka) was founded on the occupied site. The WOMB has already received awards at several competitions, which had been organised by the city administration, for being the best social initiative and most interesting green space in Poznań.

[howieabel]

“No soldiers, no gendarmes or police, no nobles, kings, regents, prefects, or judges, no prisons, no lawsuits - and everything takes its orderly course. All quarrels and disputes are settled by the whole of the community affected, by the gens or the tribe, or by the gentes among themselves; only as an extreme and exceptional measure is blood revenge threatened-and our capital punishment is nothing but blood revenge in a civilized form, with all the advantages and drawbacks of civilization. Although there were many more matters to be settled in common than today - the household is maintained by a number of families in common, and is communistic, the land belongs to the tribe, only the small gardens are allotted provisionally to the households - yet there is no need for even a trace of our complicated administrative apparatus with all its ramifications. The decisions are taken by those concerned, and in most cases everything has been already settled by the custom of centuries. There cannot be any poor or needy - the communal household and the gens know their responsibilities towards the old, the sick, and those disabled in war. All are equal and free - the women included. There is no place yet for slaves, nor, as a rule, for the subjugation of other tribes.” ― Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State

[reliaabledevelopers]

Reliaable Developers: The Advantages of Investing in BDA Approved Plots

Investing in real estate has always been a profitable­ endeavor, and one of the­ most secure options in this sphere­ is opting for BDA (Bangalore Development Authority) approved plots. Bangalore, as a flourishing metropolis, offers numerous opportunities for real estate investors, and BDA-approve­d plots include numerous bene­fits making them a good sele­ction. In this blog, we will explore the­ primary advantages of investing in BDA-approved plots.

Understanding BDA Approval:

BDA approval is a hallmark of credibility and reliability in the real estate sector. BDA rigorously inspe­cts and sanctions plots only after validating that they adhere­ to each of the require­d rules and standards. This ensures that your investment is in a legally sound and secure property.

Application Process:

Check the BDA website: Visit the Bangalore Development Authority (BDA) website for information on available plots, regulations, and application forms.

Eligibility Criteria: Ensure you meet the eligibility criteria specified by BDA for plot allotment.

Application Submission: Fill out the application form and submit it along with the required documents and application fee.

Lottery or Auction: BDA may conduct a lottery or auction for plot allotment. Participate as per the specified procedure.

Verification: After allotment, undergo verification processes to complete the purchase. This step involves confirming the authenticity of your documents and ensuring compliance with BDA regulations.

Payment: Pay the cost of the plot as per the allotted rate within the stipulated time. This step is crucial for securing your plot and completing the transaction. Timely payment is essential to avoid forfeiture of the allotted plot.

BDA's systematic application process, including thorough eligibility checks, lotteries or auctions, and subsequent verifications, ensures a fair and transparent allocation of plots.

Appreciation and Value Addition:

One of the­ big advantages of investing in plots approved by the­ Bangalore Developme­nt Authority is the potential for significant appreciation and value addition. These plots are often strategically located in areas earmarked for development and growth. As Bangalore e­xpands, the need for land in approve­d layouts increases, leading to a big rise­ in property value over a long time­. The cost of BDA-approved plots in Bangalore varie­s based on place, size, and ame­nities. On average, price­s can go from INR 2,000 to INR 10,000 per square foot. For instance, Reliaable Residenza, a BDA-approved plot is located near the Konappana Agrahara metro station and an Anugrahaa Hospital. This positioning enhances the property's value over time, offering investors a handsome return on investment. 

Legal Assurance and Risk Mitigation:

BDA approval provides a robust legal framework for your investment. The authority conducts a thorough check to make sure the land has cle­ar ownership papers and is free from any encumbrances. This greatly lowers the­ risks of legal disputes and makes sure owne­rship is a smooth and hassle-free experience.  With the right documents and le­gal approval, investors can feel safe­ knowing their investment in plots from reputable developers like Reliaable Developers who have received positive Reliaable Developers Reviews is secure and legally authorized.

Planned Infrastructure around BDA Plots:

One significant be­nefit of investing in plots approved by the­ Bangalore Developme­nt Authority is the planned infrastructure that typically accompanie­s them. Layouts sanctioned by the BDA commonly include­ well-constructed roads, drainage systems, parks, and othe­r crucial facilities. By prioritizing organized growth, the authority e­nhances livability in these ne­ighborhoods. The commitme­nt to planned developme­nt raises the overall standard of living, cre­ating desirable areas for living and working. Reliaable Dollars Colony is one of the examples which is well-planned with good road connectivity and well-maintained roads. The development provides many amenities like a 24-hour water supply, a gated community, a swimming pool, a clubhouse, and more, contributing to an enhanced quality of life in the area. This planned infrastructure not only adds value to the property but also contributes to a thriving and well-connected community.

Conclusion: In conclusion, investing in BDA-approved plots in Bangalore offers a range of advantages that make it a prudent choice for real estate investors. The credibility and legal assurance provided by BDA approval, coupled with the potential for significant appreciation and well-planned infrastructure which creates a winning combination for those who are looking to build a secure and profitable real estate portfolio. As Bangalore continues to evolve as a dynamic city, BDA-approved plots stand out as a reliable and promising investment opportunity in the ever-expanding real estate landscape.

[fideidefenswhore]

Oh what's the theory you mentioned, that Mary wasn't ever his mistress?? What's the basis for it I'm fascinated

I should really do a FAQ page, lol, but I collated all the evidence together here.

The relevant quote on the matter from Sarah Gristwood's latest book:

That Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn had agreed to marry is clear from the terms in which, in September 1527, a dispensation was requested from Rome. It did not name Anne, but it did pointedly seek permission for Henry to marry a woman 'in any degree [of affinity], even the first, arising from illicit intercourse [ex illicito coito]. The Latin has variously been translated as referring to Anne's sister Mary-- or to Anne herself. It is possible that Henry and Anne did have sexual relations at the beginning of their affair; more interesting is why, and how, they decided to stop.

And, Estelle Paranque in her newest video about Anne Boleyn, says we should be very 'cautious' about whether or not Mary Boleyn was ever his mistress (interesting because she featured in a documentary series where that was not in dispute at all...again, goes to show, most keyboard warriors don't understand how these shows work, the historians as panelists usually do not have creative control, all their insights are abridged and edited to fit the alloted time and adhere to narrative flow). All she really cites is that there were many rumors about the Boleyns at the time ('there are no primary sources', I mean, Reginald Pole is certainly not the most reliable primary source, definitely a hostile one, but that was still one, so was George Throckmorton although ultimately it's denied, see above linked evidence primer) to discredit them, so why should we believe this one, etc. I don't know whether or not she will expand on this opinion in her upcoming book about AB.

[boricuacherry-blog]

Marvin's father was not only a preacher at the Hebrew Pentecostal Church in Washington, D.C., but also a member of the strict House of God Christian sect, which banned sleeveless dresses, open-toed shoes, and makeup. Marvin Sr. seemed to flaunt this contradiction, as he was a flamboyant cross-dresser in the home. Not only that, but he was also an excessive drinker and womanizer, even having an outside child from an extra-marital affair.

While he and his parents were living together again, his rows with his father were so volatile that his sister moved out. For Christmas, Gaye had gifted his father a gun for protection, which Marvin Sr. kept under his pillow.

According to Minister Shelton West, "I remember once or twice Marvin Sr. showing me his gun that he kept under his pillow and sometimes I even became afraid to go over there, because he'd be so upset at Marvin and he'd say, 'I'm going to kill him, I'm going to kill him.' I would try to talk him down, but he was a hard person to calm."

"My husband didn't say anything, he just pointed the gun at Marvin," said Alberta. "I screamed, but it was very quick. My husband shot - and Marvin screamed. I tried to run. Marvin slid down to the floor after the first shot."

That one shot was enough to kill Gaye. But after he fell to the ground, his father approached him and shot him a second and third time at point-blank range. The singer was pronounced dead at the hospital less than an hour later - just hours shy of what would be his birthday, less than 14 months after winning his first Grammy.

"I pulled the trigger," said Marvin Sr, claiming, "The first one didn't seem to bother him. So I fired again.

Although the shooting followed an argument, Deputy District Attorney Robert Schirn said Marvin Gay Sr. would be charged with murder rather than manslaughter, because, "There were two shots fired and there was a significant lapse of time between shots to warrant to filing of a murder charge." Marvin Sr.'s claim that he was "brutally beaten" was disputed by police. He only had minor injuries.

Marvin Sr. also claimed that he thought the gun bad been loaded with blanks.

Ultimately, he barely served any time at all. He was allowed to enter a plea bargain of no contest to one charge of voluntary manslaughter and given a suspended six-year sentence with five years of probation.

If Marvin Jr. had been given the time God allotted to him, he may have lived through his trials and tribulations. His message though still resonates over a decade later. As he sang in What's Going on:

Father, father,

We don't need to escalate

You see, war is not the answer

For only love can conquer hate

One can only hope Gaye has finally discovered a father's true love, his plea affirmed in the embrace of a good and merciful father, the one who molded him in His own perfect image.