#Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky

[worker-and-soldier]

Boris Kolonitsky on Kerensky

"Kerensky was unlucky with historiography; neither communist nor anti-communist authors favored him. To a certain extent, the politician himself contributed to the creation of his own negative images: he devoted his entire long life to creating his own version of the history of the revolution. His books of memoirs were a series of ceremonial and romantic self-portraits of the hero of the revolution, but works of this kind are easily parodied, caricatured, and caricatured, which is what his opponents took advantage of."

"They were unable to discern the real Kerensky, who knew how to be tough, cynical and calculating, hiding these qualities under the guise of an enthusiastic hero of the revolution. ... it is difficult to imagine the appearance of a monument to a man who unsuccessfully, although sincerely tried to prevent a civil war."

““Пусть смеются над нами! Мы останемся романтиками и великими мечтателями”. 50 лет назад умер Александр Керенский. Что мы знаем о нем — рассказывает автор книги “Товарищ Керенский” Борис Колоницкий.” Новая газета, 16 June 2029, novayagazeta.ru/articles/2020/06/11/85742-pust-smeyutsya-nad-nami-my-ostanemsya-romantikami-i-velikimi-mechtatelyami.

[kvetchlandia]

Soviet Essayist, Playwright and Short Story Writer Isaak Babel     Uncredited and Undated Photograph

I first met Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky on December 20, 1916, in the dining room of the Ollila Spa. We were introduced by Zatsareni, a barrister from Turkestan. I had heard that Zatsareni had had himself circumcised at the age of forty. That disgraced imbecile Grand Duke Peter Nikolayevich, who was banished to Tashkent, prized Zatsareni’s friendship very highly. The Grand Duke used to walk about Tashkent stark naked, married a Cossack woman, lit candles before a portrait of Voltaire as if it were an icon of Jesus Christ, and had the boundless flatlands of Amu-Dari drained. Zatsareni was a good friend to him.

So, there we were at the Ollila Spa. Ten kilometers away shimmered the blue granite walls of Helsingfors.  O Helsingfors, love of my heart! O sky, pouring down onto the esplanades and soaring high like a bird!

So, there we were at the Ollila Spa. Northern flowers were withering in vases. Antlers spread across the murky ceilings. The air of the dining room was fil1ed with the fragrance of pine trees, the cool breasts of Countess Tyszkiewicz, and the British officers’ silk underwear.

At the table, a courteous converted Jew from the police department was sitting next to Kerensky. To his right, a Norwegian by the name of Nickelsen, the owner of a whaling vessel. To his left, Countess Tyszkiewicz, as beautiful as Marie Antoinette.

Kerensky ate three pieces of cake and went with me for a walk in the forest. Fröken Kristi hurried past us on skis.

“Who was that?” Kerensky asked me.

“That was Nickelsen’s daughter, Fröken Kristi,” I said. “She’s beautiful, isn’t she?”

Then we saw old Johannes’s sledge.

“Who was that?” Kerensky asked.

“That was old Johannes,” I said. “He brings cognac and fruit from Helsingfors. Can it be that you don’t know old Johannes the coachman?”

“I know everyone here,” Kerensky replied, “but I can’t see anyone.”

“Are you nearsighted, Alexander Fyodorovich?”

“Yes, I’m nearsighted.”

“You need glasses, Alexander Fyodorovich.”

“Never!”

“If you think about it,” I said to him with the brashness of youth, “you are not merely blind, you are as good as dead. The line—that divine trait, that queen of the world—has escaped you forever. You and I are walking through this enchanted garden, this marvelous Finnish forest. To our dying day we will not encounter anything better, and you, you cannot even see the rosy, ice-crusted edges of the waterfall, over there, on the river. The weeping willow, leaning over the waterfall—you cannot see its Japanese delicacy. The red trunks of the pine trees heaped with snow! The granular sparkle that scintillates over the snows! It begins as a frozen line above the tree’s wavy surface, like Leonardo’s line, crowned by the reflection of the blazing clouds. And what about Fröken Kristi’s silk stockings, and the line of her maturing legs? I beg of you, Alexander Fyodorovich, buy some spectacles!”

“My dear boy,” he answered, “don’t waste your gunpowder! That half-ruble coin you want me to squander on a pair of spectacles is the one coin that will never leave my pocket! You can keep that line of yours with its repulsive reality. You are living the sordid life of a trigonometry teacher, while I am enveloped by wonders’ even in a hole like Klyazma! Why do I need the freckles on Fröken Kristi’s face when I, who can barely make her out, can imagine everything I want to imagine about her? Why do I need these clouds in the Finnish sky, when I can see a dreamy ocean above my head? Why do I need lines when I have colors? For me the whole world is a gigantic theater in which I am the only spectator without opera glasses. The orchestra plays the prelude to the third act, the stage is far away as in a dream, my heart swells with delight, I see Juliet’s crimson velvet, Romeo’s violet silk, and not a single false beard—and you want to blind me with a pair of half-ruble spectacles?”

That evening I left for town. O Helsingfors, refuge of my dreams!

I saw Alexander Fyodorovich again half a year later, in June of 1917, after he had become Supreme Commander of the Russian army and master of our fate.

That day the Troitsky drawbridge had been lifted. The Putilov workers were heading for the arsenal. Burning tramcars lay in the streets like dead horses.

The mass rally had gathered at the House of the People. Alexander Fyodorovich gave a speech on Russia, our mother and our wife. The crowd smothered him with its sheepskin-coat passion. Could he, the only spectator without opera glasses, even see the bristling passion of the sheepskin coats? I have no idea. But after him, Trotsky came to the podium, twisted his lips, and, in a voice that chased away one’s last hopes, said:

“My Comrades and Brothers!”

--Isaak Babel, “Line and Color” 1923

[we-arnold-lockshin-blog]

Империализм: Генератор «Сталинских Репрессий» - 3

Massive imperialist subversion at the very outset of the socialist revolution...

After the victorious October Socialist Revolution, British “intelligence” services were a key factor in fomenting anti-Soviet subversion, as indicated by the cases of Boris Savinkov, Sidney Reilly, Robert Bruce Lockhart and others.

“Savinkov organised several armed uprisings against the Bolsheviks, most notably in Yaroslavl, Rybinsk and Murom in July 1918. After these were crushed by the Red Army, Savinkov returned to France. There, he held various posts in the Russian emigre societies and was the main diplomatic representative of admiral Aleksandr Kolchak in Paris. During the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1919-1920 he moved to Poland, where he formed a Russian political organisation responsible for the formation of several infantry and cavalry units out of former Red Army POWs...

“Savinkov was an acquaintance of Sidney Reilly, the legendary renegade British agent, and was involved in a number of counter-revolutionary plots against the Bolsheviks, sometimes collaborating with the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS).” (Boris Savinkov, Wikipedia)

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“Sidney George Reilly, commonly known as the "Ace of Spies", was a secret agent of the British Secret Service Bureau,

“The attempt to assassinate Vladimir Lenin and depose the Bolshevik Government is considered by biographers to be Reilly's most daring scheme.

“In May 1918, Robert Bruce Lockhart, an agent of the British Secret Intelligence Service, and Reilly repeatedly met Boris Savinkov, head of the counter-revolutionary Union for the Defence of the Motherland and Freedom (UDMF). Savinkov had been Deputy War Minister in the Provisional Government of Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky, and a key opponent of the Bolsheviks. A former Social Revolutionary Party member, Savinkov had formed the UDMF consisting of several thousand Russian fighters. Lockhart and Reilly then contacted anti-Bolshevik groups linked to Savinkov and supported these factions with SIS funds. They also liaised with the intelligence operatives of the French and U.S. consuls in Moscow.

“On 17 August 1918, Reilly liaised with Captain George Hill, another British agent operating in Russia.

They agreed the coup would occur in the first week of September during a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars and the Moscow Soviet at the Bolshoi Theatre. On 30 August, a military cadet shot and killed Moisei Uritsky, head of the Petrograd Cheka. On the same day, Fanya Kaplan, a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, shot and wounded Lenin as he left a meeting at the Michelson factory in Moscow.” (Sidney Reilly, Wikipedia)

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“Sir Robert Hamilton Bruce Lockhart was a British diplomat (Moscow, Prague), journalist and secret agent and footballer. His 1932 book, Memoirs of a British Agent, became an international best-seller, and brought him to the world's attention. It tells of his failed effort to sabotage the Bolshevik revolution in Moscow in 1918; his co-conspirators were double agents working for the Bolsheviks.

“Lockhart was British Consul-General in Moscow when the first Russian Revolution broke out in early 1917, but left shortly before the Bolshevik Revolution of October that year.  He soon returned to Russia as the United Kingdom's first envoy to the Bolsheviks (Russia) in January 1918 and was also working for the Secret Intelligence Service to fund the creation of an agent network in Russia.  (R. H. Bruce Lockhart, Wikipedia)

The earlier leading subversive role of the British has since been supplanted by the United States, now mainly by the massive, deceptive, ferocious and murderous CIA.

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Перед нами сейчас -  коварный и крайне опасный мошенник, расист, лжец и фашист Дональд Трамп, порочный Конгресс, нацистские ФБР - ЦРУ,  кровавые милитаристы США и НАТО >>> а также и лживые, вредоносные американские СМ»И».

Киевские власти — фашистские агенты американского империализма!

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Правительство США жестоко нарушало мои права человека при проведении кампании террора, которая заставила меня покинуть свою родину и получить политическое убежище в СССР. См. книгу «Безмолвный террор — История политических гонений на семью в США» - "Silent Terror: One family's history of political persecution in the United States» - http://arnoldlockshin.wordpress.com

Правительство США еще нарушает мои права, в течении 14 лет отказывается от выплаты причитающейся мне пенсии по старости.  Властители США воруют пенсию!!  

ФСБ - Федеральная служба «безопасности» России - вслед за позорным, предавшим страну предшественником КГБ, мерзко выполняет приказы секретного, кровавого хозяина (boss) - американского ЦРУ (CIA). Среди таких «задач» -  мне запретить выступать в СМИ и не пропускать большинства отправленных мне комментариев.   А это далеко не всё...

Арнольд Локшин, политэмигрант из США

Фашистские ЦРУ - ФСБ забанили все мои посты, комментарии в Вконтакте, в Макспарке, в Medium.com... и удаляют ещё много других моих постов!

… а также блокируют мой доступ к таким сайтам, как «Портал Госуслуги Москва»!

BANNED – ЗАПРЕЩЕНО!!

[the-rulers-of-russia-en-blog]

Alexander Kerensky (08.07.1917—25.10.1917)

This article is about the Russian politician. For the fictional character, see List of BattleTech characters § Aleksandr Kerensky. Warning: Page using Template:Infobox officeholder with unknown parameter "1 = 230px?" (this message is shown only in preview). Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky (Russian: Алекса́ндр Фёдорович Ке́ренский, IPA: [ɐlʲɪˈksandr ˈkʲerʲɪnskʲɪj]; 4 May 1881 – 11 June 1970) was a Russian lawyer and politician who served as the second Minister-Chairman of the Russian Provisional Government between July and November 1917. A leader of the moderate-socialist Trudoviks faction of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Kerensky was a key political figure in the Russian Revolution of 1917. On 7 November, his government was overthrown by the Vladimir Lenin-led Bolsheviks in the October Revolution. He spent the remainder of his life in exile, in Paris and New York City, but was buried in London. More details Android, Windows

[worker-and-soldier]

'Tribune of the People'

"Many lawyers, however, were perceived by society as politicians and behaved as such. This role of 'tribune of the people', denouncing the regime and its 'servants', was one Kerensky assumed. For him, every trial was a battle with a hateful government personified by the state prosecution.

Here is how his role is described by Leonidov: 'A. F. Kerensky was least of all a professional lawyer, selling his time and powers to individuals to protect their selfish interests and rights. He has always been drawn to defend the interests of the disenfranchised social classes, has always battled for their right to life, and invariably tried to bring them to that wonderful day when they would enjoy their rights in full measure.'

This description ... is, nevertheless, an unfair representation of the reality of the pre-revolutionary judicial system, where many of the empire's judges and prosecutors were highly professional lawyers conscientiously performing their duties. When he became minister of justice, Kerensky effectively recognized the good faith of some of his former opponents in court and appointed them to positions of power."

Kolonitskii, B. I., and A. L. Tait. Comrade Kerensky. Polity Press, 2021.

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[worker-and-soldier]

Alexander Kerensky addressing troops going to the front.

[worker-and-soldier]

Two portraits of Alexander Kerensky painted in 1917 by Ilya Yefimovich Repin, along with a photograph of Kerensky in the same year and location (the former Tsar's library in the Winter Palace).

Source, with more interesting information.

[worker-and-soldier]

"Kerensky: Past Defeat And Future Hope"

(Newspaper article by Dave Harrison - Oct. 20, 1967 | Kalamazoo College Index)

"Alexander Kerensky at 86 displays a clearness of mind and an optimism towards life that is surprising. He came to Kalamazoo College Thursday as a living monument of the past but left as a foreteller of the future - "there will never be a third world war" - and a keen dissector of both the world he once knew and the world today. Above all, Alexander Kerensky is a man who has made history and has been forced by circumstances to defend his actions of 50 years previous. And he performed that task quite forcefully and effectively Thursday night.

Kerensky masked none of his bitterness against the Leninist regime that unquestionably altered his life and the lives of the people of the country he loves so dearly. He called the movement that put his government into power and overthrew the czar in February of 1917 a "revolution" because it was a "spontaneous movement of free people," but classified the Bolshevik takeover in October of that same year as a "conspiracy, a coup d'etat," but definitely not a "revolution."

Obviously feeling that Nikolai Lenin misled the Russian people, Kerensky stated that Lenin's dictatorship of the proletariat was not "free" and was never intended to be; that if Lenin had told the Russian people what he really believed (that he hated the idea of Russian democracy, according to Kerensky), then Lenin's movement would never have succeeded because the Russian people are such great lovers of freedom.

Kerensky marked the beginning of the Russian democratic movement, under the control of the intelligensia, as 1902, although he said that the question of large and profound social reforms had been an issue in Russian history since the 18th century. To Kerensky, a lawyer, a new democratic Russia was very important. He visited many Russian towns, defending the politically persecuted and organizing consultations with people of different classes and parties. He said, "I knew Russia better than the people who stayed in town and read books," an obvious thrust at the Marxist elements.

To the former Russian premier, World War 1 was a confrontation of two irreconcilible positions. It was fought for permanent peace and democracy, but in the end it accomplished the formation of totalitarian dictatorship. Kerensky criticized the Treaty of Versailles as the factor which kept World War 1 from being the war to end all wars, labeling it as even more merciless than the Russo-Germany peace of Brest-Litosvk.

Kerensky entertains no notions that any revolutionary movement will overthrow the present Communist regime but said only that the Russian people "will not forever be enslaved by Communism." There is ideological change in the U.S.S.R. today; the people are more audacious, and they are beginning to understand the doctrines connected with the teachings of Marxism. He believes that when the system of teaching the doctrines is broken, the system of government will be broken also. "The Communist government will not be changed by fights in the streets but by changing relations between men in power and men out of power."

No comparative analysis was made by Kerensky between the effectiveness of his government and that which has developed in Russia since 1917 except in his statement that Lenin was a "destructor" and not a "constructor" of governments. He finds reason for the continued existence of the totalitarian regime in Russia in the fact that the western armies during World War II defeated other totalitarian regimes (Hitler in Germany and Mussolini in Italy) but acted as Russia's ally.

Alexander Kerensky at 86 stood up well under the ordeal Kalamazoo College put him through. We were indeed, as Dr. Moritz put it, "happy to be this close to one of the great figures in history." One must marvel at the dynamic, political capable personality he must have been in his own time.

Dramatic to the end, and quite taken by the reception given him by Stetson Chapel full of enthusiastic students, Kerensky ended his speech with a plea which has been the credo which he has set before the world all of his life: "Go forth and be defenders of freedom, social justice, and peace.""