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mariacallous · 19 days ago

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The terrorist attack in Indian-administered Kashmir last week that killed 26 tourists has laid bare the persistence of militant threats in the region, exposing serious lapses in Indian security and intelligence.

Amid growing calls in India for military action against Pakistan, which New Delhi accuses of backing the militants involved, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is once again posturing toward cross-border retribution. Yet more than a week after the attack in Pahalgam, India has not made a major military move. It suspended its participation in the Indus Waters Treaty, and both countries have expelled each other’s diplomats and military attaches.

India’s main diplomatic challenge is to secure legitimacy for its actions under international law. It must prove that Pakistan is directly responsible for sponsoring the attack and similar acts of terrorism, as it has in the past. But India has not publicly provided any evidence, while Pakistan has called for an independent investigation. Indian media initially accused a group called the Resistance Front (TRF), which Indian officials say is a proxy of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba, but TRF later denied responsibility.

In the days since the attack, India has launched an aggressive campaign aimed at building a strong case and gaining international legitimacy for a possible military strike. According to multiple sources within India’s foreign and security establishment, the government is preparing a dossier of evidence linking militants whom it accuses of conducting the Pahalgam attack to Pakistan’s intelligence services.

India has previously adopted a similar strategy, including after the 2019 suicide bombing in Pulwama, Indian-administered Kashmir, that killed 40 Indian security forces. In the wake of that attack, it shared a dossier among global interlocutors. India retaliated with a cross-border airstrike in Pakistan, which was followed by a military standoff.

In that case, New Delhi presented evidence to the United Nations detailing Pakistan’s support for terrorist groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed, which claimed responsibility for the Pulwama attack. It focused on garnering support from global powers and countered Pakistan’s attempts to condemn India’s cross-border strike.

As India works to shore up support this time around, it faces some roadblocks. Pakistan, which is currently a nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council, this week managed to successfully block India’s attempts to name TRF in the Security Council’s statement condemning the Pahalgam attack, aided by China. Though the final statement demanded accountability and condemned the “reprehensible act of terrorism,” it did not name the perpetrators or explicitly refer to the Indian government’s jurisdiction—a diplomatic win for Pakistan.

But India is also quietly lobbying both permanent and nonpermanent members of the Security Council, seeking backing—or at least neutrality—if it invokes Article 51 of the U.N. Charter, which permits self-defense in the face of armed attacks.

Ajai Sahni, the executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi, said that though India will present forensic and testimonial proof linking Pakistan to the Pahalgam attack, “no amount of evidence is going to change the fact that China is not going to support any action … which would adversely affect Pakistan,” due to geopolitical interests and its U.N. veto power.

Behind closed doors, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has spoken with his counterparts in Algeria, Greece, Guyana, Panama, Sierra Leone, Slovenia, and Somalia—including several currently serving on the Security Council. These calls were preceded by a significant diplomatic outreach in which India briefed dozens of foreign diplomats in New Delhi about Pakistan’s alleged complicity in the recent attack.

Jaishankar said he also received a call from U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres. “Appreciate his unequivocal condemnation of the terrorist attack in Pahalgam. Agreed on the importance of accountability. India is resolved that the perpetrators, planners and backers of this attack are brought to justice,” Jaishankar wrote in a post on X.

India has also stepped up pressure on Pakistan at the United Nations. New Delhi’s deputy permanent representative, Yojna Patel, used a recent U.N. forum to accuse Islamabad of “fueling global terrorism,” citing a recent Sky News interview in which Pakistan’s defense minister appeared to acknowledge the country’s historic support for militant groups.

“The whole world has heard the Pakistani Defense Minister Khawaja Asif admitting and confessing Pakistan’s history of supporting, training and funding terrorist organizations in a recent television interview,” Patel said at the U.N. forum.

Indian media has also cited a controversial speech in which Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir described Kashmir as his country’s “jugular vein” days before the killings in Pahalgam, linking the statement to the attack.

Indian officials maintain that New Delhi abides by international law, but the challenge lies in securing legitimacy for a military strike, which requires demonstrating enough evidence and then enough support to justify such an action.

Citing an official policy document, an Indian security official told Foreign Policy: “India overwhelmingly tends to issue diplomatic condemnation of military intervention by major powers that are not authorized by the U.N.,” adding that any strike inside Pakistani territory would have to be justified as an act of self-defense under international law.

Meanwhile, Pakistan is preparing to escalate the dispute through international legal channels over what it sees as India’s unilateral suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty—a decades-old water-sharing agreement brokered by the World Bank that has survived three wars between the countries.

If India went ahead with a strike against Pakistan, it would not be without precedent. In 2016, Indian troops crossed the Line of Control, the countries’ disputed frontier in Kashmir, in retaliation for an attack on an Indian Army brigade in Uri; they said they inflicted heavy casualties on militant camps. And after the Pulwama attack in 2019, Indian fighter jets carried out an airstrike in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, triggering a brief aerial dogfight.

In both cases, the strikes were politically popular for Modi’s government despite ambiguity about their military effectiveness.

In the wake of the Pahalgam attack, Sahni called instead for a “protracted conflict” strategy spanning cyber, economic, diplomatic, and covert measures to deter Pakistan. “You cannot allow four or six terrorists … to so completely dominate your policy cycle,” he said, warning against retaliation driven by “domestic and political pressure … whipped up for partisan political ends.”

India’s success in securing international legitimacy might hinge on how many U.N. members it can persuade that the Pahalgam attack qualifies as an act of cross-border aggression. Jaishankar’s conversations with counterparts in Guyana and Greece—both of whom expressed support for India’s right to pursue justice—suggest that he is gaining traction. However, with China allied with Pakistan and Pakistan itself serving on the Security Council through 2026, the council’s endorsement is unlikely.

In the short term, eyes will be on the stance adopted by key global players, including the United States, which has not appointed ambassadors to either India or Pakistan since President Donald Trump took office in January. Unlike in 2019, the United States no longer has troops in Afghanistan, whose safety could be threatened by instability in the region.

On Wednesday, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke with officials in India and Pakistan. In a call with Jaishankar, he expressed “sorrow for the lives lost in the horrific terrorist attack in Pahalgam” and reaffirmed Washington’s commitment to counterterrorism cooperation with New Delhi. According to a State Department spokesperson, Rubio also encouraged India to engage with Pakistan to “de-escalate tensions.”

In a separate call with Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Rubio stressed the need to “condemn the terror attack on April 22 in Pahalgam” and pushed for Islamabad’s cooperation in the investigation. “Both leaders reaffirmed their continued commitment to holding terrorists accountable,” according to the State Department readout.

On Thursday, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance brought some clarity on Washington’s position, signaling that it won’t oppose an Indian response as long as it does not lead to a “broader regional conflict,” he said in an interview with Fox News.

After the 2008 Mumbai attacks, which were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba and killed 166 people, the FBI aided Indian authorities with intelligence cooperation. New Delhi is likely to seek similar help this time.

With both nuclear-armed neighbors now led by governments under intense domestic pressure, the possibility of rapid escalation is very high—even as international calls to step back from the ledge grow. For now, the message from New Delhi is clear: The Pahalgam attack will not go unanswered.

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dailyanarchistposts · 9 months ago

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India witnessed the rise of two large protest movements in last 2 years which saw millions taking to streets against the oppressive laws passed by the government. These were the Anti-CAA protests against the discriminative Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the farmers protests against the 3 pro-corporate farm laws. During the Anti-CAA protests, the loudest voices of dissent have been the women, from housewives to grandmothers, lawyers to students, women across India have been at the forefront of this struggle. This female-driven political awakening has been most jubilantly epitomized by the sit-in protest at Shaheen Bagh, drawing a cross-generational, largely female crowd never seen in India before [1]. Then came the farmer protests, where millions of farmers took to streets to fight the anti-farmer legislation that was passed in the Indian parliament and to highlight the issues of agrarian crisis which has been growing in India for the last few decades. In these protests, there is an unprecedented solidarity being displayed in the daily rallies that draw out thousands of people all over Indian cities. There are no visible leaders calling out to people to protest in one mode or another, yet the country has found a way to speak truth to power [2].

The Shaheen Bagh protest was led mostly by Muslim women, in response to the passage of the discriminative and unconstitutional CAA passed by Parliament of India and the police attack on students of Jamia Millia Islamia University. Protesters agitated not only against the citizenship issues of the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR), but also against economic crisis, rising inequality, police brutality, unemployment, poverty and for women’s safety. The protesters also supported farmer unions, unions opposing the government’s anti-labour policies and protested against attacks on academic institutions. The protest started with 10–15 local women, mostly hijab wearing Muslim housewives, but within days drew crowds of up to a hundred thousand, making it one of the longest sit-in protests of this magnitude in modern India. The Shaheen Bagh protest also inspired similar style protests across the country, such as those in Gaya, Kolkata, Prayagraj, Mumbai, Chennai and Bengaluru. The protesters at Shaheen Bagh, since 14 December 2019, continued their sit-in protest in New Delhi using non-violent resistance for 101 days until 24 March 2020 when it ended due to COVID-19 pandemic outbreak.

Most of the women who came to Shaheen Bagh protest were first-time protesters, mostly homemakers, who were standing up to the government [3]. This was the first time they came out on a national issue which cut across religious lines. Some came with their newborns and children and some were grandparents. The women were center of protests and men supported them from the sidelines. They were creative and strategic. They governed their worlds quietly from the background and knew when a crisis needed them to cross invisible boundaries and step into the foreground. They emerged into the public space to collectively confront a looming crisis [2]. Armed with thick blankets, warm cups of tea and songs of resistance, these women have braved one of the coldest winters Delhi faced in the last 118 years [4]. These women were drivers of this protest, joining in irrespective of caste and religion, taking turns to sit-in at the site. They broke down the historically prevailing gender binary of patriarchy and took control. They also destroyed the popular imagination claiming Muslim women as powerless and lacking agency.

Shaheen Bagh in many ways typifies the protest movement that erupted across India as it was leaderless. No political party or organization could claim to be leading the protest. Instead, it was fueled primarily by these women who were residents of working-class neighborhoods of Shaheen Bagh. Since it was a leaderless protest, it could not be terminated by a few prominent organizers [5]. When they tried to “called off” the protest citing interference of political parties and security threats, the women of Shaheen Bagh rejected it and decided to continue the protests. The movement had no formal organizers and thrived on a roving group of volunteers and the local women’s tenacity alone. The lack of leaders also confused the police who are clueless on whom to approach to make these women vacate the site.

The protesters were supported and coordinated by a diverse group of more than hundred volunteers, including local residents, students and professionals. These volunteers organized themselves around different tasks such as setting up makeshift stages, shelters and bedding; providing food, water, medicine, and access to toilet facilities; installing CCTV cameras, bringing in electric heaters, outside speakers and collecting donations [6]. Donations includes mattresses, an assortment of tables that form the foundation of the stage and endless cups of steaming tea that provide warmth on cold winter days. Local residents formed informal groups which coordinated security, speakers, songs, and cultural programs that happened on these makeshift stages. People distributed tea, snacks, biryani, sweets and other eatables at the protest site. Some donated wood logs to keep the protesters warm. Collection drives for blankets and other essentials were organized through social media. A health camp was also set up beside the camped protesters which provided medicines for them. Doctors and nurses along with medical students from different medical institutes and hospitals voluntarily joined for the purpose [7]. A group of Sikh farmers from Punjab came and set up a langer (free community kitchen) in the area.

The space was decorated with art and installations [8]. Stairways leading to the closed shops in the vicinity of the protest circle were transformed into a public library and art centre by student volunteers from Jamia along with the young children of Shaheen Bagh. Protest art became the voice of resistance and dissent during the event, and the area was covered in murals, graffiti, posters and banners [9]. A reading area called “Read for Revolution” had been set up with hundreds of crowd-sourced books as well as writing materials [10]. A nearby bus stop was converted into the Fatima Sheikh-Savitribai Phule library, which provided material on the country’s constitution, revolution, racism, fascism, oppression and various social issues [11]. Public reading spaces were created for the cause of dissent and to amplify the idea of education amongst the protesters of Shaheen Bagh. Since a majority of women of Shaheen Bagh have stepped out of their homes for the first time, this was an attempt to bring these women closer so that they read and facilitate the social change they exemplify. Besides young children, senior citizens, working people, domestic workers and many from Shaheen Bagh and nearby areas were occupying the area, choosing books or picking up colors and chart paper, while some also come to donate their old books and stationery.

लड़ो पढ़ाई करने को, पढ़ो समाज बदलने को (Fight To Read, Read To Change)

The children who were present alongside parents also participated in the protest. Most of these children would visit school in the morning before joining their parents at the protest site, which became an art space for many children [12]. They would express their thoughts and join in the protest through storytelling, poetry, puppetry, singing and painting. Student volunteers engaged the local children in reading, painting and singing, and held informal reading lessons.

Speeches, lectures, rap and shayari poetry readings were held every day [13]. Activists, artists and social workers came and gave talks on various issues faced by Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, the disabled, LGBTQ people, and all those who are oppressed. The stage is democratic and hosts poets and professors, housewives and elders, civil society groups and civic leaders, actors and celebrities and of course students – from Jamia, JNU to the local government schools. A large number of women participate in open-mics to express their thoughts, many speaking in public for the first time. The protestors read the Preamble of the Constitution which reminds them of their rights of Liberty, Equality and Justice. If the Shaheen Bagh stage had a bias, it is towards women and those, from academia and elsewhere, who can educate them not just on CAA-NRC-NPR, but also the freedom struggle, Ambedkar, Gandhi and the ideas that animate the preamble to the constitution [13]. The chants of “inquilab zindabad (long live the revolution!)”and “save the Constitution” filled the site. At night people would watch films and documentaries which were screened on the site, about refugee crisis, anti-fascist struggles and revolution. Musical and cultural events were also conducted in solidarity with anti-CAA protests. This occupy protest provided an example of how to create a community without government support by voluntary association and mutual aid, make decisions in a democratic way where everyone takes part and decentralize power by having no organizers or leaders who control everything. These elements of anarchist organizing is also visible in the farmers’ protest.

Small and marginal farmers with less than two hectares of land account for 86.2% of all farmers in India, but own just 47.3% of the crop area. A total of 2,96,438 farmers have committed suicide in India from 1995–2015 [14]. 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India every day [15]. India is already facing a huge agrarian crisis and the 3 new laws have opened up door for corporatization of agriculture by dismantling the Minimum Support Price (MSP) leaving the farmers at the mercy of the big capitalist businesses.

The farmers protest began with farmers unions holding local protests against the farmer bills mostly in Punjab. After two months of protests, farmers from Punjab and Haryana began a movement named Dilli Chalo (Go to Delhi), in which tens of thousands of farmers marched towards the nation’s capital [16]. The Indian government used police to attack the protesters using water cannons, batons, and tear gas to stop them from entering Delhi. On 26 November 2020, the largest general strike in the world with over 250 million people, took place in support of the farmers [17]. A crowd of 200,000 to 300,000 farmers converged at various border points on the way to Delhi. As protest, farmers blocked the highways surrounding Delhi by sitting on the roads [18]. Transport unions representing 14 million truck drivers also came out in support of the farmers. The farmers have told the Supreme court of India that they won’t listen to courts if asked to back off. They organized a tractor rally with over 200,000 tractors on the Republic day and stormed the historic Red Fort [19]. The government barricaded the capital roads with cemented nails and trenches to stop farmers and electricity, Internet, and water supply were cut off from the protest sites.

Scores of langars, i.e. free community kitchens have been set up by farmer’s organizations and NGOs to meet the food needs of the hundreds of thousands of farmers in the farmers-camps that have sprung up on the borders of Delhi [20]. The farmers came fully equipped to prepare mass meals in these community kitchens with supplies coming from their villages daily. Tractors and trucks with sacks of vegetables and flour as well as cans of oil and milk arrive daily from villages and towns where pooling resources for community meals is a way of life. These langars work round the clock and provide free food without distinction of caste, class, or religion. Supporters of the farm protest often bring almonds, apples, sweets, and packaged water. They even supplied a machine that rolls out a thousand “rotis” every hour. Social media is used to collect blankets and other essentials for these protests who are braving the harsh winter. Many protestors camp on the roadside in the cold Delhi winter and spending nights curled up in tractor trailers. Volunteers have set up solar-powered mobile charging points, laundry stalls with washing machines, medical stalls for medicines, arranged doctors and nurses, dental camps and brought foot massage chairs for elderly protesters [21].

A makeshift school has been set up at the camp, called “Sanjhi Sathh” (a common place) to recreate a village tradition of holding discussions on important issues. Children from underprivileged families who are unable to attend school due to financial issues and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic come to this tent. It has library, which displays biographies of Indian freedom fighter Bhagat Singh, revolutionary Che Guevara, and other books of various genres and newspapers in English, Hindi and Punjabi languages. Dozens of posters with slogans written on them cover every inch of the tarpaulin tents [22]. Farmers also installed CCTV cameras to keep a watch on the protest site and keep a record of what is happening and counter any narrative to discredit their protest. Farmers protest also saw participation of women coming out to protest in large numbers. Women farmers and agricultural workers were riding tractors from their villages and rallying to the protest sites, unfazed by the gruesome winter.

Just like Shaheen Bagh protest, this is a decentralized leaderless protest by hundreds of farmer unions. Even though the negotiations with the government are being attended by representatives of 32 farmer unions, they act as spoke persons who present the collective demand of all farmers. Whenever Government introduces a new proposal, the representatives come back to the unions where they sit together, discuss, debate and decide the future course of action together in a democratic way. Farmers are conducting Kisan Mahapanchayats (public meetings) which are attended by hundreds of thousands of people in villages around Delhi, UP, Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana to discuss strategies and ways to put pressure on the government. It was this decentralization that made the protest robust and overcome the condemnation around violence during Republic day Truck Rally. Even though many farm union leaders called for ending the protest, the farmers remained steadfast in their decision to not go back till the laws were repelled.

The sites of the two protests mentioned above can be compared to the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ) that was set up in Capitol Hill neighborhood of Seattle, Washington by Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters during the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by Police [23]. CHAZ was a nascent commune, built through mutual aid where no police was allowed and almost everything was free.

CHAZ, Shaheen Bagh and Farmers’ protests were occupation protests where the protestors set up a community themselves and created an autonomous zone. If one was against racism and police brutality, others were against religious discrimination and agrarian crisis. The protests were mostly self-organized and without an official leadership. The sites were filled with protest art, paintings, film screenings and musical performances [24]. Just like the mutual aid cooperative in CHAZ, free food, water, snacks and other supplies were provided to everyone. Areas were set up for assemblies and to facilitate discourse [25].

CHAZ was a leaderless zone, where the occupants favored consensus decision-making in the form of a general assembly, with daily meetings and discussion [26]. They slept in tents, cars and surrounding buildings, relying on donations from local store owners and activists. They collected donations for the homeless and created community gardens [27]. Medical stations were established to provide basic health care.

Anarchism tries to create institutions of a new society “within the shell of the old,” to expose, subvert, and undermine structures of domination but always, while doing so, proceeding in a democratic fashion, a manner which itself demonstrates those structures are unnecessary [28]. Anarchists observe what people are already doing in their communities, and then tries to tease out the hidden symbolic, moral, or pragmatic logic that underlie their actions and tries to make sense of it in ways that they are not themselves completely aware of. They look at those who are creating viable alternatives, try to figure out what might be the larger implications of what they are already doing, and then offer those ideas back, not as prescriptions, but as contributions [28]. They understand that people are already forming self-organized communities when the state has failed them and we can learn a lot about direct action and mutual aid from these communities.

Direct democratic decision making, decentralization of power, solidarity, mutual aid and voluntary association are the core principles of anarchist organizing. Anarchists employ direct action, disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchy, and self-managing their lives through the creation of counter-institutions such as communes and non-hierarchical collectives. Decision-making is handled in an anti-authoritarian way, with everyone having equal say in each decision. They participate in all discussions in order to build a rough consensus among members of the group without the need of a leader or a leading group. Anarchists organize themselves to occupy and reclaim public spaces where art, poetry and music are blended to display the anarchist ideals. Squatting is a way to regain public space from the capitalist market or an authoritarian state and also being an example of direct action. We can find elements of these in all these protests and that is the reason for their robustness and success. It bursts the myth that you need a centralized chain of command with small group of leaders on top who decide the strategies and a very large group of followers who blindly obey those decisions for the sustenance and success of large scale organizing. All these protests were leaderless protests where people themselves decided and came to a consensus on the course of action to be followed in a democratic way. When people decide to take decisions themselves and coordinate with each other in small communities by providing aid to each other, it creates the strongest form of democracy and solidarity.

The fact that these protests happened, with so many people collectively organizing and cooperating, for such a long duration, shows us that we can self-organize and create communities without external institutions and it can be civilized and more democratic than the autocratic bureaucracy and authoritarian governments which concentrate all power and oppress people. These protests were driven by mostly by uneducated women, poor farmers and people from other marginalized communities, who showed that they can create communities which are more moral and egalitarian, than those that exist in hierarchical societies with the affluent and highly educated. They showed that people who are oppressed and underprivileged can organize themselves into communities of mutual aid and direct democracy which eliminates a need for coercive hierarchical systems of governance which exist only to exploit them.

What these occupy protests show us is that we can form communities and collectively organize various forms of democratic decision making simultaneously providing everyone their basic needs. There protests show us models of community organizing in large scales comprising hundreds of thousands of people. Even though they are not perfect we can learn the ideas these protests emulate – of solidarity, mutual aid, direct democracy, decentralization of power and try to recreate these in our lives and communities.

References

[1]

H. E. Petersen and S. Azizur Rahman, “‘Modi is afraid’: women take lead in India’s citizenship protests,” The Guardian, 21 January 2020.

[2]

N. Badwar, “Speaking truth to power, in Shaheen Bagh and beyond,” Livemint, 17 January 2020.

[3]

B. Kuchay, “Shaheen Bagh protesters pledge to fight, seek rollback of CAA law,” Al Jazeera, 15 January 2020.

[4]

“Shaheen Bagh: The women occupying Delhi street against citizenship law — ‘I don’t want to die proving I am Indian’,” BBC, 4 January 2020.

[5]

K. Sarfaraz, “Shaheen Bagh protest organiser calls it off, can’t get people to vacate,” The Hindustan Times, 2 January 2020.

[6]

“The volunteers of Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 24 December 2019.

[7]

“Behind Shaheen Bagh’s Women, An Army of Students, Doctors & Locals,” The Quint, 14 January 2020.

[8]

R. Venkataramakrishnan, “The Art of Resistance: Ringing in the new year with CAA protesters at Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh,” Scroll.in, 6 January 2020.

[9]

A. Bakshi, “Portraits of resilience: the new year in Shaheen Bagh,” 2 January 2020.

[10]

J. Thakur, “Shaheen Bagh Kids and Jamia Students Make Space for Art, Reading and Revolution,” The Citizen, 11 January 2020.

[11]

F. Ameen, “The Library at Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 20 January 2020.

[12]

A. Purkait, “In Shaheen Bagh, Children Paint Their Protest while Mothers Hold Dharna,” Makers India, 22 January 2020.

[13]

S. Chakrabarti, “Shaheen Bagh Heralds a New Year With Songs of Azaadi,” The Wire, 31 December 2019.

[14]

P. Sainath, “Maharashtra crosses 60,000 farm suicides,” People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), 21 July 2014.

[15]

R. Sengupta, “Every day, 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India,” Down to Earth, 3 September 2020.

[16]

“Dilli Chalo | Farmers’ protest enters fifth day,” The Hindu, 30 November 2020.

[17]

S. Joy, “At least 25 crore workers participated in general strike; some states saw complete shutdown: Trade unions,” Deccan Herald, 26 November 2020.

[18]

“Farmers’ Protest Highlights: Protesting farmers refuse to budge, say ‘demands are non-negotiable,” The Indian Express, 1 December 2020.

[19]

G. Bhatia, “Tractors to Delhi,” Reuters, 29 January 2021.

[20]

“Langar Tradition Plays Out in Farmers Protest, Students Use Social Media To Organise Essentials,” India Today, 2 December 2020.

[21]

J. Sinha, “Protest site draws ‘Sewa’ – medicine stalls, laundry service, temple & library come up,” Indian Express, 11 December 2020.

[22]

B. Kuchay, “A school for the underprivileged at Indian farmers’ protest site,” AlJazeera, 24 January 2021.

[23]

D. Silva and M. Moschella, “Seattle protesters set up ‘autonomous zone’ after police evacuate precinct,” NBC News, 11 June 2020.

[24]

C. Burns, “The Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone Renames, Expands, and Adds Film Programming,” The Stranger, 10 June 2020.

[25]

H. Allam, “‘Remember Who We’re Fighting For’: The Uneasy Existence Of Seattle’s Protest Camp,” NPR, 18 June 2020.

[26]

K. Burns, “Seattle’s newly police-free neighborhood, explained,” Vox, 16 June 2020.

[27]

h. Weinberger, “In Seattle’s CHAZ, a community garden takes root | Crosscut,” Crosscut, 15 June 2020.

[28]

D. Graeber, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, 2004.

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rdiasrohini · 2 months ago

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Top MBA & BBA Colleges in Delhi NCR: Your Path to Success

Some of the top BBA & MBA schools in Delhi NCR are here and act as a springboard for future corporate executives. These schools are the best choice for management aspirants, offering a well-rounded curriculum, industry exposure, and excellent placement prospects.

Why Choose MBA & BBA Colleges in Delhi NCR?

Quality Education: The region is home to prestigious universities renowned for their innovative curriculum and knowledgeable faculty.

Industry Connectivity: Close proximity to business hubs guarantees practical learning through internships and real-world initiatives.

Strong Placement Record: These colleges expose graduates to top recruiters from various industries.

Entrepreneurial Ecosystem: Many universities support the start-up culture, which fosters creativity and leadership.

Rukmini Devi Institute of Advanced Studies (RDIAS) is a centre of excellence with a stellar placement record and emphasizes innovation, leadership, and entrepreneurship.

Conclusion

Pursuing an MBA or BBA in Delhi NCR can lead to a successful career in business and management. These schools prepare students for leadership roles by emphasizing academics, industry contacts, and placements. RDIAS is a popular choice for ambitious professionals due to its dedication to promoting managerial and entrepreneurial excellence.

#delhi #mba #rdias #bba #ip university #skills #knowledge #best mba colleges #bba colleges #mba colleges #colleges #gurugram #noida

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pkchopraco-blog · 9 days ago

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The Role of Tax Auditing in Delhi’s Evolving Business Environment

In the fast-paced business landscape of India’s capital, tax auditing in Delhi has become an indispensable process for companies aiming to remain compliant and financially sound. With changing tax norms and growing regulatory oversight, businesses are turning to tax audits not only as a compliance measure but also as a tool for financial planning and risk mitigation.

What is Tax Auditing and Who Needs It?

Tax auditing refers to the systematic review of financial records to verify the correctness of income tax returns filed by an individual or business. The audit ensures that tax liabilities are calculated correctly and that businesses are in full compliance with Indian tax regulations.

As per the Income Tax Act, tax audits are mandatory for:

Businesses with annual turnover exceeding ₹1 crore.

Professionals earning over ₹50 lakh annually.

Businesses under presumptive taxation schemes that report income below the statutory threshold.

For companies operating in Delhi—a region known for its dense commercial activity—these audits are especially important to ensure smooth and uninterrupted operations.

Why Tax Auditing in Delhi is Crucial

Maintaining Regulatory Compliance Failing to comply with tax laws can result in serious consequences, including penalties and legal action. A tax audit minimizes this risk by ensuring your returns and financial records are in line with regulations.

Early Detection of Errors A thorough audit can uncover misstatements or misclassifications in your books. These errors, if left uncorrected, can lead to complications during future assessments or inspections.

Strategic Business Decisions Tax auditors don’t just verify numbers—they offer insights into your financial structure and suggest tax-efficient strategies. These recommendations can improve cash flow and reduce the overall tax burden.

Boosts Credibility with Stakeholders Investors, financial institutions, and even customers view audited financial statements as a sign of reliability. This can enhance your business reputation and open doors to new funding or partnership opportunities.

The Audit Process: Step-by-Step

Tax auditing is conducted by a qualified chartered accountant and generally includes:

Initial Review: Gathering all necessary financial records, including income statements, tax returns, and ledgers.

Data Verification: Ensuring that all figures reported in tax filings match the financial records.

Compliance Check: Reviewing whether applicable deductions, exemptions, and tax treatments have been correctly applied.

Reporting & Recommendations: Post-audit, the auditor submits a report highlighting findings and offering suggestions for improvement, if needed.

Choosing the Right Tax Auditor in Delhi

The quality of your tax audit depends significantly on the expertise of the auditor. When choosing a service provider in Delhi, consider:

Experience in Local and National Tax Laws

Client Testimonials and References

Transparency in Fees and Audit Scope

Post-Audit Advisory Services

A seasoned auditor brings more than technical knowledge—they bring peace of mind and strategic value.

Conclusion

Whether you’re a small enterprise or a large corporation, tax auditing in Delhi is a fundamental step toward responsible financial management. It not only protects you from legal issues but also empowers you with insights that drive better decisions. In today’s dynamic tax environment, having a qualified auditor by your side can make all the difference in ensuring compliance, credibility, and long-term growth.

#tax auditing in Delhi

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darkmaga-returns · 1 month ago

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At stake is whether the US continues prioritizing ties with Pakistan’s military rulers or promotes civilian-led democratic rule aimed at normalizing ties with India so as to more robustly contain China.

Drop Site News published a report in early April about how “The State Department and the Pentagon Are Battling the Deep State Over the Future of India and China”, the gist of which is that those first two institutions are allegedly at odds with the CIA over the future of US-Pakistani ties. The State Department and the Pentagon “want to pivot away from the military and empower civilian leadership and democratic rule in Pakistan” while the CIA “sees the military and security establishment as a more reliable partner”.

The rationale is geopolitical since those who want to radically change the US’ decades-long policy with Pakistan, which Drop Site News’ unnamed sources assess is representative of the America First wing’s rising influence, envisage this greatly aiding the Trump Administration’s plans against China. According to them, “a civilian-led Pakistan will have a mandate to resolve its long-simmering conflict with India, freeing New Delhi to focus more directly on its eastern borders and act as a counterweight to China.”

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cult-of-the-eye · 2 years ago

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What experience I would give as a statement to Jonathan Sims, Head Archivist of the Magnus Institute, London? Statement fucking begins...

Summer after GCSEs, whole fam picks up and goes to India for 3 weeks

Listen we are hubristic. We literally go from Britain to Turkey to Delhi airport, to a different airport, to Banaras in a taxi, to Siliguri in a sleeper train, to Kalimpong in a car, back to Siliguri in a van, then to Kolkata in a sleeper bus, to Dhakha, Bangladesh by plane, to my grandparents place in Sylhet by car, then back to Dhakha, then back to Delhi, then back to Turkey and then back to Britain.

Tell me we didn't have at least one entity on our side.

None of us got ill. We had a 6 yr old with us. She didn't complain one bit. I'm 100% sure I blacked out for the majority of it. No other explanation than paranormal.

Those sales assistants in shops have to be fucking avatars of the web or something the way they fucking smile and you until you've blinked and you've bought 3 lehengas and she's like very good ma'am

I met my grandma's sister who looks exactly like my grandma, speaks the exact same way, acts the exact same way. It was so uncanny I could've sworn she just was her. Probably very normal explanation (genetics) but we can never be sure.

I made friends with a hand sized spider in a bathroom by singing "Mr spider, please don't kill me" in the tune of Mr sandman to it every day. It disappeared on the last day. (giving spiral)

I got myself an Indian accent. I am not Indian. (Most of my family is from Bangladesh, I was born there) I am not good at accents. I'm not sure how this transpired (could be some elaborate sociolinguistics explanation but I'm gonna go with paranormal)

We went on a massive family day out with cousins to a river near the mountains and we all had a great time until this little menace of a cousin literally got carried away by a current and we were terrified until one of my uncles literally grabbed him by the leg and yanked him out right before he would've gotten completely carried away. I don't think that's pure luck, personally.

My aunts staged an intervention for me about my posture (Not supernatural, Im just salty)

My dad successfully convinced some strangers who sat next to him on the plane that the reason me and my siblings spoke such good English was that we went to an English medium school. When pressed, he came up with the most elaborate story ever. He gave them a random school we went to, told them we were his boss' kids and he was taking us home, bullshitted a company and then when one of them went oh my dad is a higher up in that company, he says oh didn't he retire recently and the guy goes yeah he did! We are completely oblivious of this story, until he leans over and tells us not to call him dad for the rest of the plane journey. If that's not fucking Stranger behaviour then what is.

We get home, exhausted out of our minds and we realise we can't find our fucking front door key. We pile into the back garden and proceed to search through the entirety of our bags, trouser pockets, pockets within bags, we're all on the verge of tears, I'm catatonic, my little sister has picked up a stick and is slowly peeling it, my other sister is the only one actually looking and my dad is staring at the luggage, as if it had grown legs and was doing a little dance right before his eyes. We do find the keys after 20 minutes. We never mention this again. That's fucking paranormal shit right there don't even try to convince me otherwise. Michael the distortion was fucking with us.

Statement ends... (Although that's definitely not even half the shit that happened)

Watch Jonathan "Jarchivist" Sims crumble beneath my experiences. Hes so bamboozled that he forgets to try and discredit me. I bring him a packet of laddoos and some aachar.

#tma #the magnus archives #jonathan sims #jarchivist #rambles #statement begins #statement ends #indian jonathan sims #it wasnt scary per se #but it would be one of those statements you come out of afterwards like what the fuck #what the fuck just happened

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rishikul-123 · 1 year ago

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Top boarding schools near Delhi

Top Boarding Schools Near Delhi and Why Rishikul Vidyapeeth Shines Choosing the right boarding school for your child is a momentous decision. It's about entrusting their education and well-being to a nurturing environment that fosters academic excellence, personal growth, and a lifelong love of learning. If you're searching for top boarding schools near Delhi, your quest might just lead you to the idyllic haven of Rishikul Vidyapeeth. Nestled amidst the vibrant tapestry of Delhi NCR, Rishikul Vidyapeeth stands tall as a beacon of holistic education. Founded in 1930 with a noble vision of value-based learning, the school has blossomed into a premier institution, consistently ranking among the top boarding schools in the region. But what makes Rishikul Vidyapeeth truly special? Here are just a few reasons why it deserves a place at the top of your list:

An Unwavering Commitment to Academic Excellence: Rishikul Vidyapeeth boasts a rigorous academic curriculum that goes beyond rote memorization. The school's dedicated faculty, passionate about their subjects, employ innovative teaching methods that ignite curiosity, nurture critical thinking, and empower students to become independent learners. Stellar academic results and a consistent track record of high achievers in prestigious universities are testaments to the school's commitment to academic rigor.

Holistic Development: Nurturing Minds, Bodies, and Souls: At Rishikul Vidyapeeth, education extends far beyond the confines of textbooks. The school recognizes the importance of holistic development, offering a plethora of co-curricular activities and sports that cater to diverse interests and talents. From music and dance to sports and adventure clubs, students have the opportunity to explore their passions, hone their skills, and build self-confidence. Moreover, the school's emphasis on value education instills strong moral principles and ethical grounding, shaping well-rounded individuals who are not only academically strong but also responsible citizens of the world.

A State-of-the-Art Infrastructure: Rishikul Vidyapeeth provides its students with a modern and stimulating learning environment. Spacious classrooms equipped with cutting-edge technology, well-stocked libraries, and advanced science labs foster a spirit of inquiry and hands-on learning. Lush green playing fields, indoor and outdoor sporting facilities, and dedicated spaces for creative pursuits like art and music studios complete the picture, ensuring that every student's needs are met.

A Nurturing and Supportive Community: Rishikul Vidyapeeth fosters a warm and inclusive community where students feel valued and supported. Small class sizes allow for personalized attention and guidance from experienced teachers who act as mentors and role models. The school's diverse student body exposes children to different cultures and perspectives, promoting tolerance, empathy, and a sense of global citizenship.

A Legacy of Excellence: With over 90 years of experience in shaping young minds, Rishikul Vidyapeeth has a proven track record of success. Its alumni network boasts of accomplished individuals who have excelled in various fields, making significant contributions to society. This rich legacy speaks volumes about the school's dedication to its students and its unwavering commitment to providing them with the tools and experiences needed to thrive in a competitive world. Choosing the right boarding school is a deeply personal decision, and every child's needs are unique. However, if you're seeking a top-notch boarding school near Delhi that offers an exceptional academic program, fosters holistic development, and provides a nurturing and supportive environment, Rishikul Vidyapeeth deserves your earnest consideration. Ready to embark on a journey of learning and growth for your child?

Visit the Rishikul Vidyapeeth website or schedule a campus visit to experience firsthand the magic of this remarkable school. Remember, choosing the right school is an investment in your child's future. Choose wisely, and choose Rishikul Vidyapeeth. We hope this blog has been informative and helpful in your search for the perfect boarding school near Delhi. Rishikul Vidyapeeth, with its unwavering commitment to excellence, might just be the ideal haven for your child to unlock their full potential and embark on a journey of lifelong success. Do you have any questions about Rishikul Vidyapeeth or the top boarding schools near Delhi? Feel free to leave a comment below, and we'll be happy to help.

#day boarding schools in india #best primary school in delhi ncr #boys residential school #girls boarding schools

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livewiresthemediainstitute123 · 2 years ago

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Best Acting Institute in Delhi

Livewires The Media Institute provides Best Acting Course an Extensive Selection of Educational workshops, Seminars, and Training for both the adult young performer. Instruction for motion pictures, Television, Radio, Theatre, Commercials, Industrial , print, and variety Entertainment. Livewires Provides Highly Trained Faculties for Acting, Script Writing, Direction, and Film Making.The Result of Which is Well Known is The Industry as Livewires is The first Choice of All Production Houses in The Industry. The Hardwork and Dedication Through Which The Student are Motivated, is Self Speaks About The placements of Livewires Some of Our Students Who Have Performed at Different Platforms viz, are Feature Films, Webseries, Documentries, TV Serials Advertising Films, and other places are Listed Below

CLICK NOW:-https://act.livewiresdelhi.com/

#:-#Gkftii #tseries #moonlightstudio #aaft #balajiacademy #krishnaactingacademy #nationalschoolofdarama #rkfilms #barryjhnactingstudio #shriramcentre #bharatiyavidyabhavan

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tradebirddigital · 1 day ago

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Final Development Plan of Dholera | Dholera Town Planning Map Explained by R&B Infra

Dholera, India’s first greenfield smart city, is a flagship initiative under the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC) project. Strategically located in Gujarat, Dholera is rapidly emerging as a futuristic urban centre, designed to be an engine of economic growth and sustainable development. With the Final Development Plan of Dholera now approved, the region is witnessing significant interest from investors, developers, and homebuyers. This blog delves into the Town Planning Map of Dholera, offering detailed insights into Dholera TP Schemes, zoning, and how the city is transforming through meticulous planning.

Understanding the Final Development Plan of Dholera

The Final Development Plan (FDP) of Dholera is a comprehensive blueprint formulated to guide infrastructure development, urban zoning, and real estate growth. Spearheaded by the Dholera Special Investment Region Development Authority (DSIRDA), this plan covers a vast area of approximately 920 square kilometers.

The plan is designed to accommodate residential, commercial, industrial, and recreational spaces, making Dholera a self-sustainable urban ecosystem. The Urban Development Map of Dholera reveals a grid-based city layout that ensures high-quality infrastructure, seamless transportation, and efficient land usage.

Town Planning Map of Dholera: A Structured Urban Layout

The Town Planning Map of Dholera is at the core of its development strategy. The city is divided into several Town Planning (TP) Schemes, each covering a specific zone with unique land use purposes. These maps are not just geographical layouts but strategic documents outlining development control regulations, infrastructure placement, land reservations, and road networks.

Key elements of the Dholera Town Planning Map include:

Zoning in Dholera for residential, commercial, and industrial purposes

Strategic placement of green zones and public spaces

Proposed infrastructure including roads, stormwater drains, and utilities

Reservation of land for educational institutions, healthcare, and transport

This structured approach ensures that Dholera’s development is not haphazard but aligned with long-term urban goals.

Dholera TP Schemes: Planning Schemes in Action

To ensure uniform development, Dholera has been divided into multiple TP (Town Planning) Schemes. These schemes are micro-level plans within the broader development framework, managed by the Gujarat Town Planning and Urban Development Act.

Notable Dholera TP Schemes:

TP Scheme 1 and 2: These cover the area closest to the activation zone and are among the first to be developed. They include land earmarked for residential societies, commercial hubs, and public services.

TP Scheme 3 and beyond: Encompass expansion zones and focus on industrial growth and logistic support.

Each TP Scheme defines the Floor Space Index (FSI), setback requirements, and open space mandates. For those looking to Buy Plots in Dholera, understanding these schemes is critical to choosing the right investment.

Zoning in Dholera: Integrated and Forward-Thinking

The concept of Zoning in Dholera is revolutionary. Unlike unplanned urban growth seen in many Indian cities, Dholera uses zoning as a foundational tool for sustainable development. The city is divided into zones such as:

Residential Zone – Comprising various housing types and townships

Commercial Zone – Hosting retail markets, malls, and office spaces

Industrial Zone – Catering to manufacturing, warehousing, and logistics

Recreational Zone – With parks, gardens, and eco-friendly spots

Public & Semi-Public Zone – Allocated for institutions, utilities, and civic amenities

This clear zoning allows for smooth coexistence of various sectors and significantly boosts the efficiency of urban infrastructure.

Dholera Smart City Map: Visualizing the Future

The Dholera Smart City Map provides a real-time view of how the city is taking shape. With digital overlays, this map offers insights into completed, ongoing, and proposed projects.

Key features visible on the Smart City Map:

ABCD Building – Administrative and Command Control Hub

6-Lane Expressway – Linking Dholera to Ahmedabad and Bhavnagar

International Airport – Under development and a game changer for global connectivity

High-Speed Rail Corridor – Part of the Delhi-Mumbai infrastructure corridor

The map also shows planned zones for smart homes, solar parks, and EV zones, making it an essential resource for anyone involved in Dholera Real Estate.

Dholera Real Estate: A Growing Investment Destination

The rise of Dholera as a smart city has attracted both institutional and individual investors. With government-backed infrastructure, transparent land acquisition policies, and smart zoning, the Dholera Real Estate market is becoming increasingly lucrative.

Highlights of the real estate boom:

Residential plots available under TP Schemes at competitive prices

Commercial plots in proximity to industrial and logistics zones

Industrial lands tailored for SMEs and large enterprises

Appreciation potential due to upcoming airport, expressway, and metro rail

The clarity offered by the Town Planning Map of Dholera helps investors assess location benefits, surrounding developments, and connectivity – all of which are vital for a sound investment.

Booking Open in Dholera: Time to Take Action

With Booking Open in Dholera for multiple TP Schemes, this is the right time for early movers. Plots are available for residential, commercial, and industrial use. As the infrastructure rapidly progresses, the cost of land is expected to rise, making it a golden window for buyers and investors alike.

Benefits of booking early:

Prime location selection within TP Schemes

Transparent pricing under government oversight

Early access to developing infrastructure and amenities

Whether you are an end-user or investor, the current phase of plot booking gives access to the most promising zones mapped out in the Dholera Smart City Map.

Planning Schemes in Dholera: Ensuring Balanced Growth

One of the strengths of Dholera's urban vision is the implementation of Planning Schemes in Dholera through democratic processes involving landowners. The land pooling model ensures equitable distribution where landowners contribute and later receive reconstituted plots with added value.

Advantages of the planning scheme model:

Ensures infrastructure-led development

Avoids chaotic and uneven urban growth

Promotes long-term socio-economic planning

Enhances land value with supporting amenities and roads

Such meticulous planning elevates the quality of life while safeguarding the interests of developers and landowners.

Dholera as a Model of Planned Urbanization

Dholera is a landmark project in India's urban development story. The Final Development Plan of Dholera, supported by an accurate and detailed Town Planning Map of Dholera, sets new benchmarks in smart city planning. With well-executed Zoning in Dholera, transparent Planning Schemes in Dholera, and real-time updates via the Dholera Smart City Map, the city is poised to become a global investment hotspot.

As infrastructure continues to evolve and Booking Open in Dholera for strategic plots, both homebuyers and investors can take advantage of this well-planned opportunity. With robust Dholera TP Schemes guiding development and a booming Dholera Real Estate market, Dholera represents not just the future of Gujarat—but of smart urbanization in India.

For more information: https://www.dholerainvestments.com/

E-mail ID: [email protected]

Call Us:+91 8780280999 Location: 412 - Shivalik Satyamev, Sardar Patel Ring Rd, Junction, Ambli - Bopal Road, Ahmedabad, Gujarat 380058

#Town Planning Map of Dholera #Buy Plots in Dholera #Dholera TP Schemes #Dholera Real Estate #Urban development Map #Zoning in Dholera #Planning Schemes in Dholera #Dholera Smart City Map #Booking Open in Dholera

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beardedmrbean · 1 month ago

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Police in India have arrested a man, who is accused of impersonating a British doctor, for performing surgeries that allegedly led to the death of seven patients.

Narendra Vikramaditya Yadav - also known as Dr N John Camm - worked as a cardiologist at a missionary hospital in Madhya Pradesh state.

Police accuse him of fraud, cheating and forgery and allege that the 53-year-old, who has worked as a doctor for almost two decades, faked his medical degrees.

They are also investigating allegations that he added the name of Prof John Camm, a leading cardiologist at UK's St George Hospital, to his own to gain credibility. Mr Yadav has denied the allegations against him.

On Monday, just hours before he was arrested, he sent a legal notice of 50m rupees ($5,82,985; £4,54,969) to two dozen individuals and publishers for claiming he impersonated "some other cardiologist".

The Mission Hospital in Damoh city, where Mr Yadav worked for a few weeks, has denied having any knowledge of his alleged fake credentials.

"Nobody suspected him of being a fake doctor. He was good at his job and acted like a big-time professor," a hospital official told The Indian Express newspaper.

The case first came to light in February, when a child welfare committee in Damoh flagged the deaths to district officials.

"We got suspicious about his expertise and checked his credentials online and found that he had cases against him in at least three states," claimed Deepak Tiwari, president of the district Child Welfare Committee.

An investigation found that Mr Yadav had quit his job at the hospital earlier that month and "gone missing" without explanation.

He was arrested in the city of Prayagraj in Uttar Pradesh state on Monday evening.

"The accused doctor had worked on a total of 64 cases, including 45 cases of angioplasty, which led to seven patient deaths," the district's police chief Shrut Kirti Somvanshi told BBC Hindi.

It's not yet clear whether his degrees are genuine or fake, but police believe they were likely to be forged as the documents lack key details, such as a unique registration number given to each student.

This is not the first time that questions have been raised about Mr Yadav's identity.

In a 2019 blog post, he claimed that he trained in the UK under Prof A John Camm and joined St George's hospital in 2002 as an "Interventional Cardiologist".

He claimed he first returned to India in 2003 to work at a leading heart hospital in Delhi and had worked in the US, Germany and Spain since then.

In one post shared in 2021, Mr Yadav wrote that he was developing a 5,000-bed John Camm Institute of Medical Sciences and Research in the western state of Rajasthan.

"The hospital is being developed under [the] leadership of Dr N John Camm, renowned Interventional Cardiologist from Germany, and will [be] spread over 100 acres of land and will have world class research and tissue labs," he claimed.

But public records show that he registered four companies in the UK in 2018 under the name of Dr Narendra Vikramaditya Yadav, which he later got changed to Dr Narendra John Camm.

In 2023, a well-known fact-checker in India too had raised questions about his credentials after he allegedly created an X (formerly Twitter) account under the name of "Prof N John Camm".

After some of his posts went viral, the real Prof Camm put out a statement clarifying that it was not his account and that he was being impersonated.

Police say Mr Yadav has also been at the centre of several other investigations.

In 2019, he was arrested for allegedly abducting a British doctor he had invited to work with him at a hospital in Hyderabad city.

And in 2014, India's medical regulators had banned him for five years for "professional misconduct", parliamentary records show.

Records show that he was also charged with fraud and cheating in 2013 in Uttar Pradesh. However, a court stayed the complaint against him.

#nunyas news #gonna need to do some checking on #the hiring practices #at the places he worked at too

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mariacallous · 1 year ago

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The world is embarking on a critical year for the future of democracy. Elections in India, Indonesia, South Africa, and the United States—to name just a few prominent countries headed to the polls in 2024—would normally be routine affairs. But many of these democracies are at an inflection point. Can the strengthening tides of polarization, institutional degradation, and authoritarianism be reversed? Or will democracy reach a breaking point?

Every democracy has its own particular set of characteristics. In each country holding elections this year, voters will judge incumbent governments on familiar issues such as inflation, employment, personal security, and a sense of confidence about their future prospects. But the foreboding that accompanies the world’s elections in 2024 stems from one singular fact: The uneasy accommodation between nationalism and democracy is coming under severe stress.

The crisis in democracy is in part a crisis in nationalism, which today seems to revolve around four issues: how nations define membership; how they popularize a version of historical memory; how they locate a sovereign identity; and how they contend with the forces of globalization. In each of these, nationalism and liberalism are often in tension. Democracies tend to navigate this tension rather than resolve it. Yet, around the world, nationalism is slowly strangling liberalism—a trend that could accelerate in a damaging way this year. As more citizens cast their ballots in 2024 than in any other year in the history of the world, they will be voting not only for a particular leader or party but for the very future of their civil liberties.

Let’s first discuss how societies set parameters for membership. If a political community is sovereign, it has a right to make decisions on whom to exclude from or include in membership. Liberal democracies have historically opted for a variety of criteria for membership. Some have privileged ethnic and cultural factors, while others have picked civic criteria that merely demand allegiance to a common set of constitutional values.

In practice, a range of considerations have guided the immigration policies of liberal democracies, including the economic advantages of immigration, historical ties to particular groups of people, and humanitarian considerations. Most liberal societies have dealt with the membership question not on a principled basis but through various arrangements, some more open than others.

The question of membership is increasing in political salience. The causes may vary. In the United States, a surge of migrants at the southern border has politically foregrounded the issue, forcing even the Biden administration to reverse some of its promised liberal policies. To be sure, immigration has always been an important political issue in the United States. But since the political arrival of Donald Trump, it has acquired a new edge. Trump’s so-called Muslim ban—even though it was eventually repealed—raised the specter of new forms of overt or covert discrimination forming the basis of a possible future U.S. immigration regime.

Europe’s refugee crisis—induced by global conflicts and economic and climate distress—is inflecting the politics of every country. Sweden has grown deep concerns about its model of integrating immigrants, ushering in a right-wing government in 2022. In the United Kingdom, Brexit hinged in part on concerns over immigration. And in India, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi will implement the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act, which excludes Muslim refugees from certain neighboring countries from a pathway to seeking citizenship. For New Delhi, membership concerns are driven by the need to prioritize a large ethnic majority. Similarly, the status of migrants in South Africa is being increasingly contested.

The increasing salience of membership is worrying for the future of liberalism. Since liberal values have historically been compatible with a variety of immigration and membership regimes, a liberal membership regime may not be a necessary condition for creating a liberal society. One could argue that not having a well-controlled membership policy is more likely to undermine liberalism by upsetting the social cohesion on which liberalism relies. But it is a remarkable fact that many of the world’s political leaders who endorse closed or discriminatory membership regimes, from Hungary’s Viktor Orban to the Netherlands’s Geert Wilders, also happen to oppose liberal values. That makes it harder to create a distinction between being anti-immigration and anti-liberal.

The second dimension of nationalism is the contest over historical memory. All nations need something of a usable past—a story that binds its peoples together—that can be the basis of a collective identity and self-esteem. The distinction between history and memory can be overdrawn, but it is important. As the French historian Pierre Nora put it, memory looks for facts, especially ones that suit the veneration of the main object of recollection. Memory has an affective quality: It is supposed to move you and constitute your identity. It draws the boundaries of communities. History is more detached; the facts will always complicate both identity and community.

History is not a morality tale as much as it is a very difficult form of hard-won knowledge, always aware of its selectivity.

Memory is easiest to hold on to as a morality tale. It is not just about the past. Memory is a kind of eternal truth about one’s collective identity, to keep and carry forward.

Memories are increasingly being emphasized in the political arena. In India, to take the most obvious case, historical memory is central to the consolidation of Hindu nationalism. In January, Modi will open a temple to the god Ram in Ayodhya, built on the site where Hindu nationalists demolished a mosque in 1992. It is an important religious symbol. But it is also central to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s narrative that the most salient historical memory for Indians should not be colonial rule by the British but a thousand-year history of subjugation by Islam. Modi declared Aug. 5, the day the foundation stone of the temple was laid in 2020, as being as important a national milestone as Aug. 15, the day of India’s independence from the British in 1947.

In South Africa, questions of memory may seem less pronounced. But the compromise of the Nelson Mandela years, which some now see as sacrificing economic justice for the cause of social solidarity, is increasingly being interrogated. Faced with continuing inequality, economic worries, and declining social mobility, many South Africans are questioning the legacy of Mandela and whether he did enough to empower Black people in the country. This reflects some disillusionment with the ruling African National Congress. But this reconsideration could also potentially redefine the memory in terms of which modern South Africa has understood itself.

In the United States, the contest over how to tell the national story goes back to the Founding Fathers. But debates around this are more politically visible than ever, with politicians from Trump to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis basing their candidacies in part on what it means to be American and how to “make America great again.” Florida, for example, created dubious standards for the teaching of Black history, seeking to regulate what students learn about race and slavery. This is not just a contest over the politics of pedagogy; behind it is a larger, anxious political debate about how the United States remembers its past—and therefore how it will build its future.

The third dimension in the surge of nationalism is the contest over popular sovereignty, or the will of the people. There has always been a close connection between popular sovereignty and nationalism, as the former required the formation of the concept of a people with a distinct identity and special solidarity toward one another. During the French Revolution, inspired by the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the popular sovereign was supposed to have a singular will. But if the will of the people is unitary, what explains differences? Furthermore, if there are differences among people, as there naturally are, then how is one to ascertain the will of the people? One way out of this puzzle is to see who can effectively perform the will of the able—and in doing so represent the other side as betraying that will, rather than as merely carrying an alternative interpretation of it. In order for such a performance to take place, one has to castigate anyone who represents an alternative viewpoint as an enemy of the people. In that sense, rhetorical invocations of “the people”—understood as a unitary entity—always run the risk of being anti-pluralist. Even when democracies around the world have embraced a pluralist and representative conception of democracy, there is a residual trace of unity that gets transposed to the nation. The nation is not a nation, or cannot acquire a will, unless it is united.

People rally around a unitary will by benchmarking their national identity: We are Indian by virtue of X or American by virtue of Y. Sometimes, this kind of benchmarking of identity can be quite productive; it is a reminder to citizens of what gives their particular community a distinct identity. Yet one of nationalism’s features is that it struggles to make room for its own contestation. The opposition is delegitimized or stigmatized not because it has a different point of view on policy matters but because its views are represented as anti-national. It is not an accident that the rhetoric of national populists is often directed against forces that are seen to challenge their version of the national identity or their benchmarking of nationalism. As national identities become more contested, there are increasing chances that unity can be achieved only by being imposed.

As a political style, national populism thrives not so much by finding enemies of the people but enemies of the nation, who are often measured by certain taboos. Almost all modern populists—from Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Modi, Orban, and Trump—draw the distinction between people and elites not in terms of class but in terms of who authentically represents the nation. Who gets benchmarked as the true nationalist? The cultural contempt for the elite gets its strength not just from the fact that they are elites but that they can be represented as elites who are no longer part of the nation, as it were. This kind of rhetoric increasingly sees difference as seditious rather than merely a disagreement. In India, for example, national security charges are deployed against students who question the government’s stance on Kashmir. This is seen not just as a contestation—or possibly a misguided view—but an anti-national act than needs to be criminalized.

The fourth dimension of the crisis of nationalism relates to globalization. Even in the era of hyperglobalization, national interest never faded away. Countries embraced globalization or greater integration into the world economy because they thought it served their interests. But a critical question in this year’s elections in all democracies is a reconsideration of the terms on which they engage the international system.

Globalization created winners but also losers. The loss of manufacturing jobs in the United States or premature de-industrialization in India was bound to prompt a reconsideration of globalization—and all of this was happening even before the COVID-19 pandemic, which accentuated a fear of dependency on global supply chains.

Countries are increasingly convinced that the assertion of political control over the economy—their ability to create a legitimate social contract—requires rethinking the terms of globalization. The trend is to feel more skeptical about globalization and to seek out greater self-sufficiency for national security or economic reasons. “America First” and “India First” are to a certain extent understandable, particularly in a context where China has emerged as an authoritarian competitor.

But the current moment seems like a much larger pivot in the politics of nationalism. Globalization, while seeking to advance national interests, also mitigated nationalism. It presented the global order as something other than a zero-sum game in which all countries could mutually benefit by greater integration. It was not suspicious of cosmopolitan solidarity. Increasingly, democracies are abandoning this assumption, with profound consequences for the world. Less globalization and more protectionism will inevitably translate to more nationalism—a trend that will also hurt global trade, especially for smaller countries that need the rising tide of open borders and commerce.

Each of the four features of nationalism described here—membership, memory, sovereign identity, and openness to the world—has shadowed democracy since its inception. All democracies are also facing their own profound economic challenges: inequality and wage stagnation in the United States, the crisis of employment in India, and corruption in South Africa. There is no necessary binary between economic issues and the politics of nationalism. Successful nationalist politicians such as Modi see their economic success as a means of consolidating their nationalist visions. And in times of stress, nationalism is the language through which grievance can be articulated. It is the means by which politicians give a sense of belonging and participation to the people.

Nationalism is the most potent form of identity politics. It views individuals and the rights they have through the prism of the compulsory identity to which nationalism confines them. Nationalism and liberalism have long been competing forces. It is easier to navigate the tension between them if the stakes around nationalism are lowered, not raised. Yet it is increasingly likely that in many elections in 2024, the nature of the national identities of these countries will be at stake along the four dimensions listed above. These contests could invigorate democracy. But if the recent past is any guide, the salience of nationalism in politics is more likely to pose a threat to liberal values.

Advancing forms of nationalism that do not allow their own meaning to be contested or that seek to preserve the privilege of particular groups generally produces a more divisive and polarized society. India, Israel, France, and the United States each face a version of this challenge. Issues of memory and membership are the least amenable to being resolved by simple policy deliberation. The truths they trade on are not about facts that could be a basis for a common ground. It is notorious, for example, that we often choose our histories because of our identity rather than the other way around.

Perhaps most importantly, assaults on liberal freedoms are often justified in the name of nationalism. For example, freedom of expression is most likely to discover its limits if it is seen to target a deeply cherished national myth. Every emerging populist or authoritarian leader who is willing to abridge civil liberties or pay short shrift to institutional integrity wears the mantle of nationalism. It allows such leaders to crack down on dissent by using the canard “anti-national.” In many ways, this year’s elections may well decide whether democracy can successfully negotiate the dilemmas of nationalism—or whether it will be degraded or crushed.

George L. Mosse, the great 20th-century historian of fascism, described this challenge in his inaugural lecture at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 1979: “If we do not succeed in giving nationalism a human face, a future historian might write about our civilization what Edward Gibbon wrote about the fall of the Roman Empire: that at its height moderation prevailed and citizens had respect for each other’s beliefs, but that it fell through intolerant zeal and military despotism.”

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