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dwellordream · 3 years ago

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“In terms of direct military influence, perhaps the most visible role that certain medieval woman achieved were positions of command over an army or militant force. This fact alone is remarkable, especially given the aforementioned patriarchal nature of society and fact that war was an activity dominated by men at all levels throughout the High to Late Middle Ages, and leads us to ask several questions relating to women’s role as military leaders.

Foremost is the question of how women were able to attain the command of an army or other important leadership position in the first place. What circumstances enabled them to take command? Could they make effective leaders? How did contemporaries respond to such women? The answers to these questions enable a broader understanding and awareness of how women functioned as military commanders.

Firstly, however, it is worth touching upon the position of women with regards to secular law, since such law defined the social limitations of medieval women’s public authority. While these laws varied from one place to another, sometimes significantly, and were also influenced by whether women were single, married or widowed, as well as the level of society to which they belonged (making a full examination of this complex topic beyond the scope of the present work), there can be little doubt that throughout England and France during the High to Late Middle Ages women had a lower legal standing than that of men. They were barred from holding any public office, including any governmental positions and did not have the right to participate in town councils or any representative assembly.

Under these laws women were essentially restricted to the private domestic sphere and were not supposed to serve the king ‘either in the army or in any other royal service’. Indeed, for married women, their legal identity was subsumed into that of their husband, and as a result the husband legally had full control and responsibility for all the possessions of his wife, including all land or property she may have brought to the marriage. Furthermore, married women most often required their husbands’ consent before they could litigate on any matter (except in case of rape or bodily harm) and were represented in law by their husbands – unlike widows or single women, who could litigate on their own behalf and represent themselves in court.

At the same time, however, marriage also had the potential to give women significant military responsibility. In order to appreciate why, it is important to understand how women, as wives, fitted into the particular social structure of the medieval household and also how the system of marriage worked. These elements of marriage are examined briefly below with the focus on women who were part of the upper aristocracy, or nobility, not only because it is possible to form some idea about the married life and responsibilities of noblewomen, but also because war was a profession of the upper class.

As an institution, marriage was an accepted part of medieval life. For noblewomen in particular marriage meant many things, but rarely did it mean love. Marriage was a business conducted between families for political or economic reasons – or both, and in which, at least among the nobility and others in high society, women had little input. Once married, however, noblewomen took on many responsibilities integral to helping run the household and aided in many of the duties necessary for it to function effectively. These duties included everyday activities such as supervising the supplies of the house, directing the activities of servants or serfs, as well as administering household revenues and using them to dispense dues or gifts.

In cases of emergency (for instance, if besieged) women could also be made responsible for the defence of the castles in which they lived, especially when their husbands were absent or deceased. Moreover, the nature of the union of marriage, in which husband and wife were united as one in the marriage alliance, assured that women, if they took on this additional public responsibility, were not breaking the ‘socio-political or the gender logic of their day’; instead it was merely a ‘natural extension’ of their duties as domina or lady of the household. This social acceptability enabled married noblewomen in this position to circumvent the restrictive nature of their legal rights, as outlined above.

It is also important to consider the relationship between the household and the makeup of militant forces. Western European noblewomen and those in the Holy Land at this time lived in societies where the basic fighting group was small and based on ties of kinship; hence knights, squires and other fighting men were usually drawn from and closely tied to their local lords’ households. Consequently, it has been argued, noblewomen who lived and worked in the household had a greater chance of interacting with these men, as well as possibly overhearing or being part of military discussions, and thus may have had a greater awareness of military concepts.

This in turn may have aided noblewomen when they were called upon to defend their estates and facilitated their acceptance by the men whom they commanded. Conversely, however, it has also been argued that the increasingly centralised nature of government and the rise of professional armies during the thirteenth and especially fourteenth century may have combined to decrease the chances for female political (and consequently military) involvement, although this view has more recently been called into question. In any case, even if this trend did exist, there is still no doubt that throughout the High and Later Middle Ages marriage offered noblewomen an opportunity to assume a legitimate and important military role in defending their husbands’ property when and if the situation arose.

Several medieval accounts within England and France attest to women’s military command in this capacity. In 1075, for instance, the wife of Earl Ralph of Norfolk and Suffolk held his castle at Norwich while he fled for the coast, once he realised that a revolt which he had helped instigate against King William I (1027- 1087) had failed.

Similarly the Norman chronicler, Orderic Vitalis, in his Historia Ecclesiastica, described how in July 1092, Radegunde, the wife of one Robert Giroie, attempted to hold her husband’s fortress at Saint-Céneri in Normandy from an attack by Robert of Bellême, earl of Shrewsbury, whilst her husband was away aiding the future King Henry I of England (c.1068-1135). When rumour spread that her husband had died, defections from her side forced her to surrender, and Orderic placed responsibility for the surrender in her hands.

Likewise, in 1121 Hugh of Montfort’s wife was made responsible by him for defending the stronghold of Montfort-sur-Risle in Normandy against Henry I’s advancing army, while Hugh, who had conspired against the king, fled. Also notable was Margaret of Flanders, who married Baldwin V count of Hainaut in 1169 and was forced to fortify and defend his castles, not just once but many times, due to repeated attacks by unfaithful, ambitious vassals.

Nor were accounts of women left to defend their husband’s possessions limited to France or England. In the Holy Land Lady Eschiva of Tiberias commanded the castle of Tiberias’ defence against Saladin’s forces in 1187 (her husband, Raymond of Tripoli, was absent fighting with the Christian army), the same year that Maria Comnena, widow of King Amalric, defended Nablus from Saladin’s army because she had received the city as dower from Amalric. In all these cases women were forced to take on a military responsibility as a direct result of the marriage alliance, often in the face of considerable enemy pressure and irrespective of whether they were actually able to manage the task ahead effectively.

At the same time, however, it seems some noblewomen did cope ably after having military responsibility thrust upon them by their husbands. In 1148 Countess Sybilla of Flanders, for instance, successfully led her troops against an invasion by Count Baldwin of Hainault on behalf of her husband, while he was absent on crusade. Robert Guiscard’s wife, Sikelgaita, accompanied him on campaign in Italy in the 1080s and supposedly helped prevent retreat of his forces during one battle by charging at them with a spear, convincing them to return to battle.

Simon de Montfort, leader of the Albigensian Crusade, displayed an even greater reliance on his wife Alice de Montfort, whom Laurence Marvin has described as ‘one of his most trusted lieutenants’. Not only was she mentioned bringing a party of knights to meet up with Simon, but she also made up part of his war council and was active in contributing towards its decisions, even acting as castellan to Narbonnais Castle in Simon’s absence during the second siege of Toulouse in 1217. In her case, while it is not known if she commanded men in battle, she does appear to have played an active and important role in supporting her husband’s military strategy.

Most remarkable and successful of all, it might be said, was Nichola de la Haye, hereditary castellan of Lincoln castle. Nichola was the daughter of Richard de la Haye, sheriff of Lincolnshire, from whom she inherited her rights as castellan, and through whom her husbands’ received the title of constable. In 1191, as a response to her husband Gerard of Camville’s quarrel with William Longchamp, Chancellor and Justiciar of England, Nichola was besieged at Lincoln castle while her husband was absent. Commending her efforts, the chronicler Richard of Devizes noted that Nichola, ‘whose heart was not that of a woman, defended the castle manfully’.

Over twenty years later, in 1217, she again led the successful defence of Lincoln castle when it was besieged by forces loyal to Louis VIII of France (1187-1226), as part of his failed attempt to claim the English throne. In a further sign of her resolute nature, she still had to fend off later attempts by, William, the earl of Salisbury, to force her eviction from the castle. These defensive efforts reflect her loyalty to King John (1167-1216) and, at least in the case of the siege of Lincoln in 1217, aided King Henry III’s cause immensely by effectively ending any chance of Louis VIII succeeding in his rival claim to the throne.

Her experiences in defending the castle clearly illustrate that Nichola was more than capable of organising military defensive measures in the face of multiple attacks. Furthermore, though she had to pass on the title of constable to her husbands, her evident suitability as castellan is highlighted by King John refusing a request from Nichola that she be allowed to give up responsibility for the castle on account of her age, following the death of her husband Gerard in 1215. Evidently, even men recognised her capability in her role as castellan.

The offspring of marriage also influenced women who were forced to defend their property. Consider the actions of one Juliana, an illegitimate child of King Henry I by a concubine, after her husband Eustace (a vassal of the king) was incited to claim the ducal castle at Ivry on misguided advice. Henry, wishing to retain Eustace’s trust, sent a hostage to him while keeping the couple’s own daughters as his own hostage, but for reasons unknown Eustace had his hostage blinded. Henry then turned over his hostages to the father of Eustace’s now blind hostage, who took his revenge by putting out the daughters’ eyes.

On learning of this action Juliana and Eustace rebelled, and while Eustace secured their other castles, Juliana fortified herself within their fortress at Breteuil. Henry, learning of these developments, soon laid siege to the castle at Breteuil in February of 1119. Orderic then recounts how Juliana, under the pretence of wanting to meet with her father, fired a crossbow at Henry when he appeared for their meeting, but missed ‘since God protected him’.

Powerless to hold out against the siege and with no help on the way, she surrendered the castle, but being unable to leave freely by the King’s orders, ‘the unlucky Amazon got out of the predicament shamefully as best she could’ by leaping off the castle walls into the moat, before fleeing to her husband. In this case, marriage and family combined to play an important role in driving Juliana to defend her property from other family members. Moreover, the use of phrases such as ‘God protected him’ and ‘unlucky Amazon’ suggest Orderic disapproved of Juliana’s actions, and highlight how chroniclers sometimes used certain emotive words or phrases to portray an incident in a certain light.

This use of emotion by Orderic is well illustrated in a second case involving a woman in an important military position. In 1139, Matilda of Ramsbury, commander of the stronghold of Devizes and mistress to Roger, bishop of Salisbury, was forced into action when King Stephen (c.1096-1154) besieged Devizes on suspicion that rebellious forces stirred up by Roger and his nephews were hiding there. Attempting to force its surrender, Stephen brought out Bishop Roger’s son (by Matilda) and ordered that he be hanged unless Devizes surrender.

According to Orderic, when Matilda saw her son about to be killed she apparently cried out ‘I gave him birth, and it can never be right for me to cause his destruction’, whereupon she handed over the castle to the king, thus forcing the surrender of the castle’s garrison. Orderic’s inclusion of Matilda’s outburst, however, conflicts with other sources which do not mention this incident. William of Malmesbury’s Historia Novella, written only a few years after the incident, omits all mention of Matilda when describing the castle’s surrender, as does the Gesta Stephani, Henry of Huntingdon’s Historia Anglorum, and Roger of Wendover’s much later Flores Historiarum.

Nevertheless, Matilda’s role as guardian of the keep at Devizes reveals that she did have command of the castle and thus would have played a central part in any decision to surrender, even if the actual specifics of her involvement in the bishop’s surrender remain unclear. Given that the other sources omit her outburst, Orderic’s version of events appears less tenable, which only goes to show that we should be aware of possible distortions in chroniclers’ portrayal of women in a position of command.

Amongst the upper nobility, marriage also offered some women an opportunity to demonstrate military leadership of their own initiative. One unusual case comes from 1321, when Isabella of France (c.1295-1358), queen consort to King Edward II of England, was involved in an incident in which she ordered her marshals to force an entry into Leeds castle, after she was denied lodging there for the night by Lady Badlesmere (whose husband had been supporting Edward’s enemies and who held the castle). In response, Lady Badlesmere ordered her archers to fire on Isabella’s men, killing six of them, and forcing the Queen to retreat. Lady Badlesmere and the rest of her family were later imprisoned by Edward for their actions following a siege of Leeds castle.

What make this incident remarkable is that two women were commanding military forces against one another, one defending her husband’s property, the other ordering the attack which began the whole skirmish. For Isabella at least, this was not her only initiative that required military force: just five years later, in 1326, she helped plan an invasion of England with the support of French nobles and disposed of her husband King Edward, ruling as regent for her son Edward III alongside her lover Roger Mortimer.

Perhaps one of the most striking examples of military initiative by a woman forced to defend her husband’s domains, however, is that of Jeanne de Montfort (c.1295-1374), Countess of Montfort and wife to John IV of Montfort (1295-1345), later Duke of Brittany. She is noted for her actions during the siege of Hennebont in 1342, during the Breton War of Succession between the houses of Blois and Montfort for control of the duchy of Brittany. The Countess was in Hennebont along with other lords when an army led by Charles of Blois, the rival claimant to Brittany, laid siege to the town in response to her husband’s refusal to surrender the duchy to Charles, as determined by the judgement of the King and peers.

On the third day of the siege the French lords launched a determined assault on Hennebont, motivating the Countess (who led the defence of the city) to ride through the streets urging on the townsfolk to defend the city, encouraging damsels and other women to ‘cut short their kirtles’ and carry ‘stones and pots full of chalk to the walls’, that they might be cast down on their enemies. Leading by example, the Countess then rode out armed, together with three hundred horsemen, and led the charge into the French camp while its inhabitants were away fighting, destroying it by setting the tents on fires, before escaping to the castle of Brest, rearming, and returning to Hennebont to defend it from another assault. The Countess’s courageous defensive actions proved crucial to allowing the defenders, men and women alike, to hold off the besiegers until English forces arrived by sea and relieved the siege.

Two things are worth noting about this incident. First, the involvement of women – young and old – in the defence of the town, which reflects the support roles medieval women often fulfilled whilst their men-folk were fighting. Second are Jeanne’s efforts in leading the defence of Hennebont as well as the attack on the French camp, for though she may not have actually fought the enemy with her own hands, hers is nevertheless an extremely unusual case in that we have a woman who actively commanded and participated in a military attack.

It is little wonder then that Jean Froissart, the great fourteenth century chronicler, evokes a masculinised image of Jeanne as a woman who had ‘the courage of a man and the heart of a lion’. While his description is intended as a compliment, it nevertheless illustrates how even the most competent of medieval militant women were sometimes described as having male attributes.

Alongside marriage, a noblewoman’s inheritance could also, on occasion, play an important role in facilitating female military leadership. Female inheritance (of land) usually took the form of dowries which the bride’s family gave to their daughters upon marriage. Upon divorce or widowhood, dowries served as women’s inheritance and provided them with a living, since the practise of male primogeniture throughout much of Western Europe made it unlikely that women would inherit all of the family property and any seigniorial (or ruling) power that may have come with it. Even if women did happen to inherit such property, they were certainly not expected to perform military service by involving themselves in its defence.

And yet, some women did exactly that. Shahar gives the example of Mahaut, Countess of Artois (1268-1329), who inherited her father’s county in 1302 and who, according to Shahar, ‘crushed all attempts at rebellion by vassals.’ A more personal struggle was that of the widow of Arnoul II, count of Guînes, who waged war on her own son Baldwin III – Arnoul’s heir – for two years from 1220 to 1222, apparently because he did not cede to his mother control of certain properties to which she was entitled as widow.

Then there was Giralda of Laurac, to whom belonged the castrum (defensive fort) at Lavaur in southern France and who, along with her brother Aimeric of Montréal, led its defence when it was besieged by Simon de Montfort, leader of the Albigensian Crusade, in 1211. Upon its capture by Montfort’s army, Giralda was unceremoniously thrown in a well and crushed by the heavy stones thrown upon her. Marvin has suggested that the reason she was executed was because she actively commanded men during the siege, although Jones believes it is more probable she was executed for heresy instead. In any case, the key point is that while it may not have been common for women to become involved in the military defence of their inheritance, given the means and sufficient motivation, some women did fight to prevent the loss of that inheritance.

At the same time, not all women were limited to defensive actions. Indeed, when a woman’s inheritance was extremely large and entailed extensive ruling privileges, as might occur with a woman of the high nobility, she was more able to exercise leadership and initiate offensive military action. Thus, for instance, in January 1229, Blanche of Castile (1188-1252), widow of King Louis VIII and regent for her son Louis IX, commanded a successful attack on rebels based at the castle of Peter Mauclerc, count of Brittany, as part of her efforts to quell rebellious lords who had allied themselves with the English king Henry III’s supporters in western France.

Further afield in the Holy Land, Melisende (1105-1161), daughter of King Baldwin II, inherited the kingdom of Jerusalem after his death, and ruled the kingdom independently for nearly a decade after her husband’s death in 1143, largely excluding her son – Baldwin III – from government. Even after Baldwin gained power forcefully from Melisende, she still had much influence in government, and in 1157 she played an important part in organising a military expedition to recapture a stronghold across the Jordan, assisted by one Baldwin de Lille. In both these cases, the women involved were able to use the authority derived from their inheritance to take a leading role in a military action.”

- James Michael Illston, ‘An Entirely Masculine Activity’? Women and War in the High and Late Middle Ages Reconsidered

#medieval #warfare #high middle ages #late middle ages #james michael illston #noblewomen #isabella of france #blanche of castile #alice de montfort #i don’t wanna hear SHIT about how medieval women had no involvement in war

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fangirlfindings · 4 years ago

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Fic: Crossroads of Fate

Prompt: IchiRuki Month 2020, AU week, Day 20: Romeo and Juliet

Fandom: Bleach + Doctor Who

Pairings: IchiRuki

Genre: Drama / Romance / Friendship

Rating: T

Summary: It was Ichigo’s birthday, and Rukia was not going to visit.

But fate was a funny thing. While some events were fixed into the flow of reality as if carved into stone, others only needed a slight nudge into place for destiny to unfold as it should. Even in the form of a simple meal with her time-traveling friend.

AO3 | FF.net

Chapter 1: Luminous Encounters

Yon light is not daylight, I know it, I.

It is some meteor that the sun exhaled

To be to thee this night a torchbearer

And light thee on thy way to Mantua.

Therefore stay yet. Thou need’st not to be gone.

Romeo and Juliet, Act III, Scene V

In the aftermath of the war, Rukia did not have time for mourning. She suspected she was not alone in that, as Shinigami of all ranks and divisions were easily busy with any number of tasks as the process of rebuilding began. The dead would be tended to according to procedure and tradition, of course. A brief moment would be spared for ceremony and duty as was appropriate. But dying in the line of duty was a possibility that loomed over every Shinigami in some way. They could not change the fate of the fallen, she knew. They could only move forward.

Rukia had lost count of how many times she reminded herself of that fact within the last few days.

Her position as Lieutenant had its own share of responsibility, and her time was not her own. As their acting-captain, the Thirteenth Division relied on her more than ever before. Each day brought face after face in front of her, many she had only seen in passing, others completely new. They came to her with similar expressions and the same needs, almost like lost children who sought the comfort and guidance of a parent. Did she look that way, wide-eyed and uncertain of the future, when she first entered their company? Was it really so long ago?

She could not blame them, given the constant reminder brought by their dear captain’s absence.

There seemed to be no end to her duties. She was thankful for it, in many ways, as she could not let her mind drift in thought so long as she had work to do. She could not afford to be distracted by other, minor things such as grieving.

Despite the challenges that lay ahead, there was still a lingering feeling of celebration, of relief. The sense that they could truly move towards the future. It was not spoken of or openly discussed, but the feeling of hope was prevalent throughout the divisions.

It did not take long for the celebrations to begin.

Some gatherings were more modest than others. The sake seemed to appear out of nowhere, and in surprisingly large quantities. It was no surprise to find her own friends amongst them gathering in a courtyard near the Thirteenth Division training grounds. Rukia found she was eager to join them- both as a reprieve from her duties, and as a means to see her friends. She doubted she had shared more than a few words with them over the past two days. As she arrived in the clearing she saw them standing as a group- Ichigo’s bright hair sticking out as a beacon, though only slightly more so than Renji’s vibrant red or Chad’s towering height. A smile came to her face, possibly for the first time in so many days. She joined them to hear the end of some sort of joke from Renji (though she was not sure she wanted to hear the beginning) and laughed with them despite herself. It was a pleasant, familiar feeling standing alongside them. Someone offered her sake, which she declined. She could hardly afford to impair her judgement as an acting-captain- Although that had not stopped so many Lieutenants and Captains, she mused. Rukia - especially as a Kuchiki- had different standards to uphold.

She did not need the alcohol to enjoy herself that night. No, it was easy enough to simply feel the threads of familiarity and trust that bonded them together.

The moment of peace did not last. It only took a simple glance towards the tree along the east end, the one where the two lowest branches reached almost to the ground, where she saw someone sitting cross-legged with a cup held in their lap. The image triggered a memory unbidden, her mind suddenly seeing her departed Captain sitting under that same tree and smiling at her kindly. It jolted through her without warning, her expression frozen, as she was no longer in the courtyard surrounded by celebrating friends. She fought to mask her expression out of reflex, the result of years of living under the scrutiny of nobles and judgemental Shinigami alike. Turning on her heel, her gaze kept firmly on the ground, she mumbled an apology and stepped out of the courtyard. It only took a few steps to bring her to a secluded walkway hidden in the darkness from prying eyes. Only the faint moonlight cast shadows from the nearby roofs, allowing her to stay in darkness.She was grateful for that, given how clumsy she felt. A hand briefly reached out to the closest wall to steady herself. There was a sound of air, repetitive, that she slowly realized was her own loud and uneven breathing. Part of her thought of how weak she must have looked then. It was not befitting for a Kuchiki or an officer. Her back was not straight, she had lost her composure entirely, falling prey to such emotions...

She wasn’t surprised to hear Ichigo approaching but a moment later. She could hear the concern and worry in his voice, the gentle tones and words of support, although she did not notice the words. Then he was holding her against him in a firm embrace, his warm arms wrapped around her small form with her face pressed against his chest. All thoughts of proper noble behavior left far behind.

Rukia did not cry. No, she was still too disciplined for that. As in all other times, her tears were saved for moments in the night when no one could see. A Kuchiki did not cry, she stubbornly believed. But it was only barely she resisted the urge, her heart heavy in her chest and the sudden torrent of so many emotions was almost too much to bear. With Ichigo’s arms gently yet firmly holding her, her face against his chest and fitting perfectly under his chin. His rhythmic breathing felt just above her head, tickling her hair. She closed her eyes, enjoying the warmth his embrace gave her. Her shoulders sagged and she realized how tense her muscles had been.

She took another breath, after several long moments, and had calmed. Her breathing was still not as steady as it should have been. But that did not concern her. She only thought of the soothing motions of Ichigo’s hands against her back and the murmured words of comfort said in barely heard tones. The wounds of her heart were still present... No, it would be some time before she could truly move forward from her Captain’s death. But she no longer felt the cutting grief from earlier that reached to her heart.

Slowly, she took a step backwards and moved to separate. Her violet eyes opened hesitantly as she moved away. Ichigo’s hands lingered on her arms absently and she finally met his gaze, realizing just how close they were still standing, what small distance there was between them. She was entranced, utterly so, by his amber eyes. It was in that moment that she realized two startling revelations that shook her to the core.

The first was that she was in love with Ichigo Kurosaki, completely and utterly. No, it was not a new thought to her- For too long she had dwelled on it over the past two years, her mind going in circles over her feelings and what he truly meant to her. Her mind had moved between outright denial and full acknowledgement for some time, constantly hovering just at the edge that would mean fully embracing it. She was too stubborn for it and cited the many reasons why her feelings for him could not be. Until now. And for that single moment, it was hard to breathe.

The second discovery was frightening in its own way. In the many times she had looked him in the eye, Rukia had seen a myriad of emotions borne out of so many situations. Concern, frustration, anger, determination, kindness, happiness- But not that. No, this was different from any time before it- or had she simply never noticed? A burning gaze with an intensity and passion all its own that threatened to encompass her. Love.

Her lips parted slightly out of surprise, her chest feeling heavy and yet light. She could not look away from him. No, she was helplessly entranced- and suddenly mindful of the flicker of his gaze to her lips, a fluttering feeling coming to her chest despite the chaos in her mind that verged on panic. The conflict with the flicker of joy in her heart. They were moving closer now. His face was nearly to hers-

“Lieutenant Kuchiki?”

The power of his eyes, of him , was shattered. Rukia froze, and it took her longer than it should have to recover and step away. A Thirteenth Division member stood hesitantly nearby calling for her attention. What he said, she did not hear.

She tore her eyes away, though it took every ounce of her resolve. Her eyes shut tightly and she was thankful they were standing in shadow. Her throat was tight, thick, and she hoped she was able to control her expression with the mask she wore when weakness threatened to overcome her. Not trusting her voice, she tersely shook her head in a way only Ichigo could see.

She turned to follow her subordinate and walked away.

---

Summer in Karakura Town was just as hot as Rukia remembered. The sounds of the cicadas with their constant sirens was comfortingly familiar. She stood idly outside of the Urahara store in her newly inhabited gigai, and was thankful to remember a wide-brimmed hat as part of her living world outfit. It had been some time since her last visit- No, that could not be. It was not as long as it felt, she knew. Had the war truly only ended a month before?

Her visit to the living world that day was not a personal one. The Thirteenth Division still served as a link to the ‘persons of interest’ in the living world, just as before. It was somewhat strange to think she was considered an expert in the human world. The not-quite-enemies who called themselves Vizards, traitors, or otherwise who still resided in the living world were kept within close contact. She only needed to pay a brief visit amongst them to fulfill her mission that day.

With a glance at her surroundings, Rukia found her bearings on her location and where she needed to go next. She knew the roads all too well, and they were familiar enough that she noticed the smallest of changes as she walked. The small udon store that was located towards the east, for instance, now passed ownership to the eldest son of the family. She gave a polite nod as she walked by, the young man pausing in his sweeping to wave. There was a new coat of paint on the burger restaurant which caused the sign to appear an even brighter yellow than before. The apartment building to her left, a multi-level tower filled with families, always changed in the toys left outside on the balconies. One unit on the end, on the second floor, usually had beautiful quilts hung out to dry. They were always of brilliant hues that were soothing and pleasant to look at. An old woman lived there. Sometimes she was visited by her family.

There was also a music academy located nearby, she remembered. It was not uncommon for various melodies to carry through the air, wafting about in an invisible current that soothed her. (Unless the young blonde-haired man was practicing his flute that day. He was in need of the lessons, she mused.)

Rukia wasn’t sure when she had gotten distracted and lost in thought. She paused in her steps to see where she was- startled, freezing in place. Without thinking, she had started on a different route, another path clear in her memory, so familiar that she could not forget the way no matter how long it had been. She had no intention of going there, that day. It was fortunate she caught herself before getting too close and not in front of the clinic itself. Were her friends gathered there now? Part of her wondered if she was close enough to be sensed by them. Ishida perhaps, or even Isshin. But she doubted the others would notice her presence lingering blocks away. Ichigo would not know she was there.

She was such a fool, she thought bitterly.

No, she would not be distracted. She could not- would not dwell on it. But still her gaze lingered off to the street ahead of her. Too easily she knew the way, could picture in her mind that just down that road, taking a turn left, a turn right, and then past the home with the sky blue paint and the corner plant with pink streaks in the leaves-

Her eyes shut in a grimace as she willed herself back to the present. She would focus. She knew better than to let her mind wander towards pointless things. There was no point in it, she repeated to herself once more. Focus.

Still she paused, her steps hesitant, before she turned back the way she came. It was not terribly far from her original route, making another turn here and there to once again move in the right direction.

She had only taken so many steps before she felt it. It wasn’t the same as a spiritual signature of a Shinigami, Hollow, or otherwise, but it caught her attention nonetheless. It was faint, hazy, as if barely on her periphery. It also felt familiar. The more she fixated on the feeling, the harder it was to understand or identify. Frowning and somewhat alert, she moved quickly in the direction of the signature darting down streets and sidewalks. She was close, whatever it was. It wasn’t until she was mere feet away that she recognized it for what it was.

Rukia rounded the final corner, and her eyes widened.

She hadn’t expected the feeling of nostalgia that rushed over her, in that moment, as she found herself looking directly at the blue wooden box with ‘Police’ written above in English letters. It looked the same as she remembered from her impromptu extended 'vacation' that night years ago. That night she met her not-human friend of the living world and the many things beyond.

Then the doors opened, and another familiar sight greeted her which brought a smile to her face. Her very unusual, very strange friend looked just the same as before. His spiked brown hair, his striped suit, and even his brown coat had not changed. But that was to be expected, she supposed- like Shinigami, time did not pass for him as it did for humans. There was also the matter of travelling through time itself.

She smirked, folding her arms in front of her chest. “I had wondered if you would come back. It has been too long, Doctor.”

His attention was on her in an instant, his face breaking into an surprised yet excited grin. “Rukia Kuchiki! I thought I might find you here-” He stopped, standing closer to her now and examining her curiously. “You’ve cut your hair,” He noted with surprise.

Rukia blinked, lifting a hand to the hair that fell just past her ears idly. “Ah- Yes, that is right,” as if she had forgotten and realized it for herself.

More than that, however, he seemed curious- something in the way he looked at her, yet distracted in thought. “Oh, well then- That’s interesting,” He noted.

She frowned. “What is it?”

“Nothing, nothing at all,” He said too casually. “I- Well,” he started, then paused. “How long has it been since you saw me last?”

“Nearly two years. Why?”

He sniffed, eyes widened slightly. “Ah.”

Her brows furrowed slightly. “What is it?” Her tone was slightly firmer, then.

The Doctor shrugged again, too casually and flippantly for Rukia to believe. “Oh, it doesn’t matter really… Not important.”

She continued to regard him carefully, verging on suspicion. Something in his words and behavior told her he knew more than he let on, as if there was a joke only he was aware of. She would need to force the information out of him later.

“What are you doing here?” She asked.

“I’m- Here to get a bite to eat, actually,” He admitted. It wasn’t another moment before his typical enthusiasm returned. “Did you know that the best soba noodles I’ve ever tasted are right here in Karakura Town? Little shop, been in the same family for generations. Been going there before there was a town, really. Although a hovercart in NeoKyoto comes close.”

She paused, blinking. “You are here for… noodles?”

“Oh yeah,” He said as if it were the most obvious thing to know, smiling cheekily. “Can’t find better soba anywhere else in the universe. And believe me, I’ve tried.”

“Hm. I was not aware,” She said simply. It was not surprising to know there was much to Karakura Town she had yet to learn. The living world had many, many interesting things to offer that were completely unheard of in Soul Society. Trying the different foods was always something Rukia particularly enjoyed. Even such foods as ‘curry’ which looked like mud, but instead tasted spicy. Or ‘pizza’ with tomatoes, meats, and vegetables on large pieces of bread. Such things were rare, if not impossible to find outside of the living world. Although soba noodles were commonly served in Soul Society, the thought of trying them in Karakura Town was appealing. There was also the prospect of catching up with a friend, besides.

She could delay her duties, just this once, eager for the distraction. The thought of simply sitting down for a period of time with food, for the sole purpose of eating and visiting with a friend, certainly had its appeal. When was the last time she simply relaxed in such a way? Rukia couldn’t remember. Her own cyclical and dismal thoughts, she knew from experience, made for poor company.

“Is it nearby?” She asked, excitement starting to color her voice. She glanced around briefly, as if she could see it from where they stood.

“You want to come too?” He asked, surprised, yet strangely uncertain to a degree. It was not what she expected of him.

“Of course. You do not have a choice in the matter. Now, where is it?” She asked easily, speaking as if stating an obvious fact. His hesitation ignored.

Rukia was unsure of his expression then, of his exact thoughts or feelings from merely studying his face. To her surprise, he seemed to be considering something, inwardly debating with himself over whatever it was she could not know. It started to irritate her, somewhat, in how he was not open with what he thought. But his internal debate seemed to vanish just as quickly as it had come, as he regarded her with a cheeky smile, his voice exaggerated yet amused. “Oh, I suppose I could let you come along.”

She smirked.

[Chapter 2: Regrets]

#IchiRuki #ichirukimonth #ichiruki month 2020 #doctor who #Bleach #fanfiction #fic #crossover #day 20: romeo and juliet #shakespeare #irmonth2020 #Rukia Kuchiki #ichigo kurosaki #the doctor #Tenth Doctor #ichiruki fic #ichigo x rukia

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templarhalo · 6 years ago

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The Master of Mankind’s Return Chapter 5 ( In the Grim darkness of the far future, there is only disappointment and hope)

Only three chapters left until this fanfic is officially complete Thank you again for everyone who’s read it. I plan to have this chapter and the previous ones posted on Archive of our Own this week.

Vldor was falling. He was tumbling into an an abyss, his limbs flailing, his mouth trying to scream, but producing no sound.

He slammed into the floor of a the Imperial Palace Valdor groaned and pulled himself to his feet. Then he looked around and almost screamed.

The palace was unrecognizable. Gold was slathered over the walls,. Statues that had once been painted were dull and lifeless, The magnificent tapestries and friezes that had been removed in the process of fortifying the palace had not been restored to their rightful place.

Thick layers of dust and soot had settled over everything. Valdor had to refrain from screaming again when released the soot was actually cremated human remains

Than he realized something.

The palace was silent. Something it never should have been. The palace had always been filled with the giggles of Ligo scampering through the halls, the clack-clack of Malcador’s Staff, The chortle his Custodes made as the exchanged jokes with Sisters of Silence in thought-mark as they went about their duties. The ka-boom! of one his King’s experiments going awry.

But there was no sound, not even the background of the hustle and bustle of Terra was heard.

Valdor started running in the direction of the Sanctum Imperialis. He had landed near the Tower of Hegemon. In about 15 minutes at his maximum speed he would reach the Eternity Gate

When he reached Eternity Gate, he couldn't hold back his scream back anymore.

An army of the dead stood between him and Eternity Gate. There were Astartes and Custodes in blackened armor, wreathed in fire, with no visible, flesh except for bones.

There were mortal soldiers, too. Voidsmen of the defunct Solar Auxilia, warrior maidens in a pattern of power armor he did did not recognize , Lucifer Blacks and the gung-ho Catachans. Valdor saw flame-wreathed soldiers in gas masks and trenchcoats clutching Lucius Pattern Lasguns and shotguns. He saw soldiers in green and olive fatigues led by a skeleton clutching a banner that had the name Cadia inscribed on it's tattered form.

There were Thunder Warriors too. The glorious, honored dead of the Terran Unification Wars stood alongside those who had been betrayed at Isstvan III and V and who died at the Siege of Terra and the decades after

Valdor felt a chill deep in his bones. There had to be at least 300,000 Space Marines alone standing before him, not to mention the Custodes and Thunder Warriors and the host of mortal soldiers.

For a second Valdor stood before an army of Martyrs.

Then they saluted, and parted before him

Valdor hesitated, then he gritted his teeth and took a step forward

Eternity Gate opened with a deep rumble.

Valdor was greeted by a withered figure sitting in a cell. It took Valdor a moment to recognize him as His King

The Emperor rose from the floor. Valdor could see His ribs through the chiton He wore. His hair was white and greasy, dark circles were under his eyes. His hands were gnarled arthritic things. No aura of raw power cloaked him, this was His King as he truly looked, the strain keeping his body and mind intact after the wounds Horus dealt and the agony of his confinement to Golden Throne plain to see .

The Emperor wiped blood from his nose, than he spat black bile and coughed up phlegm, His body made the rattle of death, for it was little more than a corpse, its only purpose to contain His essence and provide a form for His subjects and the woman he loved more than life itself to see.

“The wheels of fate are spinning old friend, I have done all I can to stack the deck in your favor.”

The Emperor reached through the bars and lay a spasm wracked hand on Stan's chestplate.

“I look forward to seeing you with my own eyes old friend.”

Constantin awoke with a gasp. He was not expecting to be able to actually see with his physical eyes. Isha must have healed him while he’d experienced this…. Experience. Valdor would not call it a dream. Dreams hurt and left a dry, bitter taste on one’s mouth, like a mix of taking a bolter round to the chest and trying to keep down bitter dregs of a poor vintage of wine.

“Your mind is loud for a mon-keigh.” Isha said.

“Really?” Valdor asked. The goddess nodded. “You have my thanks for healing me. Are we close to finding an exit to realspace?” The custodes asked. He rose with more effort than he’d care to admit. His wounds had been healed, but his strength was flagging. He wanted nothing more than to rest, but duty forced him to remain standing and press onwards.

“There is a webway portal ahead Twenty five of what you call miles ahead.” Isha answered.

The Aeldari goddess smelled of pine and roses, freshly baked bread and fertile soil. The goddess presence, coupled with the whispers of the imperfection of the daemons and those he slew with the Apollonian Spear hammered at him.

He looked at Aella for a second.

“You look like shit Captain-General.” The young custodes said with a grin.

Leman let out a bark of laughter.

“I feel like shit.” Valdor said.

“So Lord Commander Guilliman has petitioned for the aid of the knights of Sigismund?” High Marshal Helbrecht asked.

“My Primarch... has requested that the Black Templars muster as many warriors as you can spare to aid him for his crusade. He would be honored if the Eternal Crusader could take part.” Lieutenant Chiron Patroclus of the Ultramarines 10th Company replied.

Sitting in a throne of hand carved marble mined from a quarry on holy Terra during that heady period between the end of the Terran Unification Wars and the first true battles of the Great Crusade Helbrecht was every inch a Black Templar.

His Power Armor was a mix of Mark III and IV plate painted in a dull bronze that did little to hide the scars and dents it had accumulated during its service not just to Helbrecht but to those who had worn it before him. A line of knights had worn this suit, a line stretching back all the way to the Templar Brethren of the First Company of the original Imperial Fists Legion. The suit had bore the scars of the battle fought at Beta-Gamon and the Siege of Terra itself.

Over this power armor was a black tabard and cloak lined in arterial scarlet. Further adorning the armor were oaths of moment, purity seals, crusader tokens and scrolls detailing Helbrecht's glorious deeds.

In the Master of the Black Templar’s hands was the Sword of the High Marshal’s. Even sheathed and deactivated the Power Sword radiated an aura of majesty, for the blade had been forged using fragments of Rogal Dorn's own Chainsword Storm's Teeth. The holy sword had been quenched in traitor and xenos blood in the hands of the founder and First High Marshal of the Black Templar and the First Emperor’s Champion, Sigismund

In contrast, Lieutenant Chiron wore Mark X Power Armor, which bore few battle scars. Helbrecht saw no battle honors on his armor aside from the Vigilus Campaign.

Not only does the Primarch send a lackey, he doesn't even send me one who's at least earned to right to march onto the field of battle in holy Terminator Armor. Helbrecht thought.

Helbrecht’s pride was not stung, but the High Marshal was by the necessity of his sacred office and duties a political thinker.

Why had Lord Commander Gulliman sent a Lieutenant with barely two centuries of battle experience? If the matter was so damn important why not order the High Marshal with his divine and political authority or petition him in person? Why not send Marneus Calgar or Reclusiarch Cassius? Or a member of his Victrix Guard or a Company Captain? Or was this crusade so important that this young officer was all the thirteenth son of the God Emperor could spare in his preparations?

At least he has not sent one of his Librarians. Helbrecht thought.

“Tell me Lieutenant, given the importance of this endeavor why had Lord Commander Gulliman not come in person? I mean no offense but why send a young brother such as yourself? “

“No one else could be spared my Lord. My Primarch is personally overseeing the gathering of forces for his new crusade. Lord Calgar has been recalled from Vigilus to resume his role as Lord Defender of Macragge. Reclusiarch Cassius fights along the 3rd Company and half the 6th against the Tyranids of Hive Fleet Kronos. The remainder of the chapter save for 25 veterans of the first and half of my own company, muster at Calth.

Translation :Guilliman was micromanaging again, but wanted his officers close, and anyone else that could have been sent was unavailable due to other duties.

“What are Gulliman’s goals for this new crusade of his?” Helbrecht asked.

“Further securing the borders between the western and eastern half of the Imperium as well as the destruction of key traitor assets including the Despoiler himself. My lord. Many chapters, including your primogenitors and the Iron Hands have contributed their entire strength to this endeavor.”

Helbrecht took a second to reply.

“I will confer with my knights, tell your primarch I can guarantee at least two hundred warriors for his crusade. I cannot promise that the Eternal Crusader herself will join for I have received petitions from other commanders.”

The Lieutenant nodded and than left the hall.

“My liege, you should send only a handful of knights, there are other war zones, we would be more suited to.” Marshal Brienne of the Tarth Crusade said.

“I concur, High Marshal, the filthy Tyranids and Tau have been ravaging the southern half of the Imperium, send enough brothers and sisters to satisfy the Lord Commander and be done with it. He did not even petition you in person.” Marshal Tormund, a Primaris Marine clad in battered Gravis Armor said gruffly

“We have received reports of Huron Blackheart conducting raids in the galactic West. We should muster as many warriors and ships as we can. Surely she would be put to better use ending the Tyrant of Badab. while Lord Commander Guilliman has his own Gloriana.” Marshal Michel spoke.

Helbrecht suppressed a sigh. The Black Templars had been bloodied this past century. Many of their Chapter Keeps had been destroyed. Many brothers and sisters had given their lives for the God-Emperor. With the Imperium split in half that meant a great many Knights were missing, presumed fallen. Helbrecht doubted there were a little less than two thousand Black Templars still crusading, and with every petition for aid and every campaign that dragged on longer than projected spread them thinner and sapped their strength. The crusade to protect key Shrine worlds had been a costly campaign, even with the new Primaris Marines to bolster their ranks. The Indomitus Crusade had whittled them down even more. Aiding Lord Commissar Yarrick in slaying Ghazkull Urk Thraka had left more than a thousand of them dead While the chapter had continued the Eternal Crusade far below Codex Approved levels, and when tthe chapter had been at the brink of extinction, something had to give. The Black Templars could not be everywhere at once.

“This is a perfect opportunity to avenge Marshal Almarich and the honored fallen who died fighting the Despoiler!” Venerable Tankred boomed. The Dreadnought was one of 14 ancients and the sole Mark V lingering in the corner of Sigismund’s Hall. The others were mix of Contemptor, Mark IV and Leviathan patterns; all of them more than five thousand years old or more.

Helbrecht listened to the arguing of his Marshals and Castellans

“Enough! Tonight, I will pray to the primarch and the God Emperor for guidance before the bones of the first High Marshal! Tomorrow I will decide if I will take the Eternal Crusader to join Lord Guilliman.”

That night Helbrecht knelt before the amber encased bones of the first Black Templar and prayed for guidance.

He shut his eyes, for a second he was kneeling, the next he on the bridge of the Eternal Crusader, the Vengeful Spirit filling up the viewports. He saw the Phalanx beside the Vengeful Spirit. Her guns trained on the traitor flagship

“Fire now High Marshal!” A voice ordered over the vox.

Helbrecht opened his eyes, his chapped lips uttering a gasp. He was back in the Tomb of Sigismund.

When he returned to his quarters he voxed Reclusiarch Grimaldus that he had made his decision. The Eternal Crusader would go to Gulliman’s crusade. The only question now would be which Marshals would accompany him and which ones would not.

“Finally an exit back into real space.” Leman said. “Do we know where it leads?” Rogal asked Isha inspected the portal.

“ It leads to a planet called Drecksloch.” Isha said She pointed to the inscription and smiled, as if she knew a joke that others would not get.

The portal opened with a deep bass rumble

The five of them entered the shimmering portal, Constantin a sense of vertigo for a a few minutes no more than three by his estimate. Than he emerged in the middle of a fucking war zone. In the distance he could make out Imperial Fists and Space Wolves engaging warriors of the Black Legion.

The sky was filled with smoke and dueling aircraft.

“Brother? Is that you?” a familiar, if somewhat unliked voice said.

Standing before them, clad in deep blue and gold Power Armor, a Laurel wreath on his head and The Emperor of Mankind’s sword in his hand was Roboute Guilliman.

#the master of mankind's return #warhammer 40k #templarhalo's fanfiction #Constantin Valdor

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pamphletstoinspire · 7 years ago

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THE BOOK OF ESTHER - From The Douay-Rheims Bible - Latin Vulgate

Chapter 9

INTRODUCTION.

This Book takes its name from queen Esther; whose history is here recorded. The general opinion of almost all commentators on the Holy Scripture, make Mardochai the writer of it: which also may be collected below from C. ix. 20. Ch. --- He and the queen were certainly authors of the letter, (H.) enjoining the celebration of the feast of Purim, or "lots," which is the ground-work (C.) of the present narration. D. --- The compiler has also had recourse to the archives of the kingdom of Persia: so that his work has all the authority that can be required of a profane historian; and being moreover inspired in all its parts, we cannot refuse to receive it with the utmost respect. Those additions which are not now in Hebrew, (C.) though they were perhaps formerly, (W. Origen. D.) have been carefully preserved by S. Jerom, and were recognized by the ancient Vulg. as they are at present by the Greek, without any distinction. Lysimachus, the Greek translator, was probably the author of them. C. xi. 1. C. --- The objections of Capellus against this "Greek scribbler," as he is pleased to style him, despising the judgment of both Jews and Christians, are in general very unaccountably borrowed (H.) from the Latin version, and are easily refuted. Houbigant. --- Those Jews, who have rejected this work entirely, with Melito, (Eus. Hist. iv. 26. S. Greg. Naz. &c.) ought not to prevail against the consent of the majority, (C.) expressed in the Councils of Laodicea, Carthage, Trent, sess. 4, &c. To read this book according to the order of time, we should begin C. xi. v. 2, &c. C. i. ii. and xii. and iii. to v. 14; then we find the distress of the Jews in the rest of that chapter, and in C. xiii. to v. 8, and their delivery in C. iv. to ix. v. 17, and C. xiii. v. 8, &c. and C. xiv. xv. and xvi. The consequences of these events are recorded C. ix. v. 17, &c. to C. xi. 1. (W.) with which verse the book ends, in the Greek editions. H. --- They vary considerably, as did the copies of the ancient Vulgate, which called forth the complaints of S. Jerom, Pref. But the Church has distinguished what was spurious from the genuine word of God; so that the doubts of Lyran, Sixtus, (Bib. viii.) &c. respecting the fragments at the end of the book being not canonical, ought no longer to be indulged; much less can the boldness of many Lutherans, (C.) and particularly of Le Clerc, (Houbigant) be tolerated, who represent the whole work as a mere fiction. The Jews have a greater respect for it than for any of the prophets; whose works, they say, will perish at the coming of the Messias: whereas this will subsist with the books of Moses, and the feast of Purim will never be abolished. C. ix. 28. Maimon. --- Ben. Gorion (ii. 2.) admits the additions. But Josephus is silent about them, as he probably did not find them in his copy. C. --- He recites, however, both the epistles of Assuerus. Ant. xi. 6. D. --- It is not agreed whether these events happened before or after the captivity. But it is now most commonly supposed, that Esther was married to Darius Hystaspes, A. 3489, about the time of the dedication of the temple. C. xiv. 9. He had been on the throne six years, and reigned other thirty. See Herod. vii. 4. C. --- Josephus thinks that Esther was the queen of Artaxerxes Longimanus, who was a great friend of the Jews. D. --- The Thalmud attributes this work to the great Synagogue, consisting of Esdras, Mardochai, Joachim, &c. and, as various persons might write the same history, the Greek, with the additions, seems to be taken from one copy, and the Hebrew from another rather more concise, (Huet. D.) but equally inspired. H.

The additional Notes in this Edition of the New Testament will be marked with the letter A. Such as are taken from various Interpreters and Commentators, will be marked as in the Old Testament. B. Bristow, C. Calmet, Ch. Challoner, D. Du Hamel, E. Estius, J. Jansenius, M. Menochius, Po. Polus, P. Pastorini, T. Tirinus, V. Bible de Vence, W. Worthington, Wi. Witham. — The names of other authors, who may be occasionally consulted, will be given at full length.

Verses are in English and Latin.

HAYDOCK CATHOLIC BIBLE COMMENTARY

This Catholic commentary on the Old Testament, following the Douay-Rheims Bible text, was originally compiled by Catholic priest and biblical scholar Rev. George Leo Haydock (1774-1849). This transcription is based on Haydock's notes as they appear in the 1859 edition of Haydock's Catholic Family Bible and Commentary printed by Edward Dunigan and Brother, New York, New York.

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

Changes made to the original text for this transcription include the following:

Greek letters. The original text sometimes includes Greek expressions spelled out in Greek letters. In this transcription, those expressions have been transliterated from Greek letters to English letters, put in italics, and underlined. The following substitution scheme has been used: A for Alpha; B for Beta; G for Gamma; D for Delta; E for Epsilon; Z for Zeta; E for Eta; Th for Theta; I for Iota; K for Kappa; L for Lamda; M for Mu; N for Nu; X for Xi; O for Omicron; P for Pi; R for Rho; S for Sigma; T for Tau; U for Upsilon; Ph for Phi; Ch for Chi; Ps for Psi; O for Omega. For example, where the name, Jesus, is spelled out in the original text in Greek letters, Iota-eta-sigma-omicron-upsilon-sigma, it is transliterated in this transcription as, Iesous. Greek diacritical marks have not been represented in this transcription.

Footnotes. The original text indicates footnotes with special characters, including the astrisk (*) and printers' marks, such as the dagger mark, the double dagger mark, the section mark, the parallels mark, and the paragraph mark. In this transcription all these special characters have been replaced by numbers in square brackets, such as [1], [2], [3], etc.

Accent marks. The original text contains some English letters represented with accent marks. In this transcription, those letters have been rendered in this transcription without their accent marks.

Other special characters.

Solid horizontal lines of various lengths that appear in the original text have been represented as a series of consecutive hyphens of approximately the same length, such as ---.

Ligatures, single characters containing two letters united, in the original text in some Latin expressions have been represented in this transcription as separate letters. The ligature formed by uniting A and E is represented as Ae, that of a and e as ae, that of O and E as Oe, and that of o and e as oe.

Monetary sums in the original text represented with a preceding British pound sterling symbol (a stylized L, transected by a short horizontal line) are represented in this transcription with a following pound symbol, l.

The half symbol (1/2) and three-quarters symbol (3/4) in the original text have been represented in this transcription with their decimal equivalent, (.5) and (.75) respectively.

Unreadable text. Places where the transcriber's copy of the original text is unreadable have been indicated in this transcription by an empty set of square brackets, [].

Chapter 9

The Jews kill their enemies that would have killed them. The days of Phurim are appointed to be kept holy.

[1] So on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which as we have said above is called Adar, when all the Jews were designed to be massacred, and their enemies were greedy after their blood, the case being altered, the Jews began to have the upper hand, and to revenge themselves of their adversaries.

Igitur duodecimi mensis, quem Adar vocari ante jam diximus, tertiadecima die, quando cunctis Judaeis interfectio parabatur, et hostes eorum inhiabant sanguini, versa vice Judaei superiores esse coeperunt, et se de adversariis vindicare.

[2] And they gathered themselves together in every city, and town, and place, to lay their hands on their enemies, and their persecutors. And no one durst withstand them, for the fear of their power had gone through every people.

Congregatique sunt per singulas civitates, oppida, et loca, ut extenderent manum contra inimicos, et persecutores suos. Nullusque ausus est resistere, eo quod omnes populos magnitudinis eorum formido penetrarat.

[3] And the judges of the provinces, and the governors, and lieutenants, and every one in dignity, that presided over every place and work, extolled the Jews for fear of Mardochai:

Nam et provinciarum judices, et duces, et procuratores, omnisque dignitas, quae singulis locis ac operibus praeerat, extollebant Judaeos timore Mardochaei :

[4] For they knew him to be prince of the palace, and to have great power: and the fame of his name increased daily, and was spread abroad through all men's mouths.

quem principem esse palatii, et plurimum posse cognoverant : fama quoque nominis ejus crescebat quotidie, et per cunctorum ora volitabat.

[5] So the Jews made a great slaughter of their enemies, and killed them, repaying according to what they had prepared to do to them:

Itaque percusserunt Judaei inimicos suos plaga magna, et occiderunt eos, reddentes eis quod sibi paraverant facere :

[6] Insomuch that even in Susan they killed five hundred men, besides the ten sons of Aman the Agagite, the enemy of the Jews: whose names are these:

in tantum ut etiam in Susan quingentos viros interficerent, extra decem filios Aman Agagitae hostis Judaeorum : quorum ista sunt nomina :

[7] Pharsandatha, and Delphon, and Esphatha,

Pharsandatha, et Delphon, et Esphatha,

[8] And Phoratha, and Adalia, and Aridatha,

et Phoratha, et Adalia, et Aridatha,

[9] And Phermesta, and Arisai, and Aridai, and Jezatha.

et Phermesta et Arisai, et Aridai, et Jezatha.

[10] And when they had slain them, they would not touch the spoils of their goods.

Quos cum occidissent, praedas de substantiis eorum tangere noluerunt.

[11] And presently the number of them that were killed in Susan was brought to the king.

Statimque numerus eorum, qui occisi erant in Susan, ad regem relatus est.

[12] And he said to the queen: The Jews have killed five hundred men in the city of Susan, besides the ten sons of Aman: how many dost thou think they have slain in all the provinces? What askest thou more, and what wilt thou have me to command to be done?

Qui dixit reginae : In urbe Susan interfecerunt Judaei quingentos viros, et alios decem filios Aman : quantam putas eos exercere caedem in universis provinciis? quid ultra postulas, et quid vis ut fieri jubeam?

[13] And she answered: If it please the king, let it be granted to the Jews, to do tomorrow in Susan as they have done today, and that the ten sons of Aman may be hanged upon gibbets.

Cui illa respondit : Si regi placet, detur potestas Judaeis, ut sicut fecerunt hodie in Susan, sic et cras faciant, et decem filii Aman in patibulis suspendantur.

[14] And the king commanded that it should be so done. And forthwith the edict was hung up in Susan, and the ten sons of Aman were hanged.

Praecepitque rex ut ita fieret. Statimque in Susan pependit edictum, et decem filii Aman suspensi sunt.

[15] And on the fourteenth day of the month Adar the Jews gathered themselves together, and they killed in Susan three hundred men: but they took not their substance.

Congregatis Judaeis quartadecima die mensis Adar, interfecti sunt in Susan trecenti viri : nec eorum ab illis direpta substantia est.

[16] Moreover through all the provinces which were subject to the king's dominion the Jews stood for their lives, and slew their enemies and persecutors: insomuch that the number of them that were Billed amounted to seventy-five thousand, and no man took any of their goods.

Sed et per omnes provincias, quae ditioni regis subjacebant, pro animabus suis steterunt Judaei, interfectis hostibus ac persecutoribus suis : in tantum ut septuaginta quinque millia occisorum implerentur, et nullus de substantiis eorum quidquam contingeret.

[17] Now the thirteenth day of the month Adar was the first day with them all of the slaughter, and on the fourteenth day they left off. Which they ordained to be kept holy day, so that all times hereafter they should celebrate it with feasting, joy, and banquets.

Dies autem tertiusdecimus mensis Adar primus apud omnes interfectionis fuit, et quartadecima die caedere desierunt. Quem constituerunt esse solemnem, ut in eo omni tempore deinceps vacarent epulis, gaudio atque conviviis.

[18] But they that were killing in the city of Susan, were employed in the slaughter on the thirteenth and fourteenth day of the same month: and on the fifteenth day they rested. And therefore they appointed that day to be a holy day of feasting and gladness.

At hi, qui in urbe Susan caedem exercuerant, tertiodecimo et quartodecimo die ejusdem mensis in caede versati sunt : quintodecimo autem die percutere desierunt. Et idcirco eumdem diem constituerunt solemnem epularum atque laetitiae.

[19] But those Jews that dwelt in towns not walled and in villages, appointed the fourteenth day of the month Adar for banquets and gladness, so as to rejoice on that day, and send one another portions of their banquets and meats.

Hi vero Judaei, qui in oppidis non muratis ac villis morabantur, quartumdecimum diem mensis Adar conviviorum et gaudii decreverunt, ita ut exultent in eo, et mittant sibi mutuo partes epularum et ciborum.

[20] And Mardochai wrote all these things, and sent them comprised in letters to the Jews that abode in all the king's provinces, both those that lay near and those afar off,

Scripsit itaque Mardochaeus omnia haec, et litteris comprehensa misit ad Judaeos, qui in omnibus regis provinciis morabantur, tam in vicino positis, quam procul,

[21] That they should receive the fourteenth and fifteenth day of the month Adar for holy days, and always at the return of the year should celebrate them with solemn honour:

ut quartamdecimam et quintamdecimam diem mensis Adar pro festis susciperent, et revertente semper anno solemni celebrarent honore :

[22] Because on those days the Jews revenged themselves of their enemies, and their mourning and sorrow were turned into mirth and joy, and that these should be days of feasting and gladness, in which they should send one to another portions of meats; and should give gifts to the poor.

quia in ipsis diebus se ulti sunt Judaei de inimicis suis, et luctus atque tristitia in hilaritatem gaudiumque conversa sunt, essentque dies isti epularum atque laetitiae, et mitterent sibi invicem ciborum partes, et pauperibus munuscula largirentur.

[23] And the Jews undertook to observe with solemnity all they had begun to do at that time, which Mardochai by letters had commanded to be done.

Susceperuntque Judaei in solemnem ritum cuncta quae eo tempore facere coeperant, et quae Mardochaeus litteris facienda mandaverat.

[24] For Aman, the son of Amadathi of the race of Agag, the enemy and adversary of the Jews, had devised evil against them, to kill them and destroy them: and had cast Phur, that is, the lot.

Aman enim, filius Amadathi stirpis Agag, hostis et adversarius Judaeorum, cogitavit contra eos malum, ut occideret illos, atque deleret : et misit phur, quod nostra lingua vertitur in sortem.

[25] And afterwards Esther went in to the king, beseeching him that his endeavours might be made void by the king's letters: and the evil that he had intended against the Jews, might return upon his own head. And so both he and his sons were hanged upon gibbets.

Et postea ingressa est Esther ad regem, obsecrans ut conatus ejus, litteris regis irriti fierent : et malum, quod contra Judaeos cogitaverat, reverteretur in caput ejus. Denique et ipsum et filios ejus affixerunt cruci,

[26] And since that time these days are called Phurim, that is, of lots: because Phur, that is, the lot, was cast into the urn. And all things that were done, are contained in the volume of this epistle, that is, of this book:

atque ex illo tempore dies isti appellati sunt phurim, id est sortium : eo quod phur, id est sors, in urnam missa fuerit. Et cuncta, quae gesta sunt, epistolae, id est libri hujus volumine continentur :

[27] And the things that they suffered, and that were afterwards changed, the Jews took upon themselves and their seed, and upon all that had a mind to be joined to their religion, so that it should be lawful for none to pass these days without solemnity: which the writing testifieth, and certain times require, as the years continually succeed one another.

quaeque sustinuerunt, et quae deinceps immutata sunt, susceperunt Judaei super se et semen suum, et super cunctos, qui religioni eorum voluerunt copulari, ut nulli liceat duos hos dies absque solemnitate transigere : quos scriptura testatur, et certa expetunt tempora, annis sibi jugiter succedentibus.

[28] These are the days which shall never be forgot: and which all provinces in the whole world shall celebrate throughout all generations: neither is there any city wherein the days of Phurim, that is, of lots, must not be observed by the Jews, and by their posterity, which is bound to these ceremonies.

Isti sunt dies, quos nulla umquam delebit oblivio : et per singulas generationes cunctae in toto orbe provinciae celebrabunt : nec est ulla civitas, in qua dies phurim, id est sortium, non observentur a Judaeis, et ab eorum progenie, quae his caeremoniis obligata est.

[29] And Esther the queen, the daughter of Abihail, and Mardochai the Jew, wrote also a second epistle, that with all diligence this day should be established a festival for the time to come.

Scripseruntque Esther regina filia Abihail, et Mardochaeus Judaeus etiam secundam epistolam, ut omni studio dies ista solemnis sanciretur in posterum :

[30] And they sent to all the Jews that were in the hundred and twenty-seven provinces of king Assuerus, that they should have peace, and receive truth,

et miserunt ad omnes Judaeos, qui in centum viginti septem provinciis regis Assueri versabantur, ut haberent pacem, et susciperent veritatem,

[31] And observe the days of lots, and celebrate them with joy in their proper time: as Mardochai and Esther had appointed, and they undertook them to be observed by themselves and by their seed, fasts, and cries, and the days of lots,

observantes dies sortium, et suo tempore cum gaudio celebrarent : sicut constituerant Mardochaeus et Esther, et illi observanda susceperunt a se, et a semine suo, jejunia, et clamores, et sortium dies,

[32] And all things which are contained in the history of this book, which is called Esther.

et omnia, quae libri hujus, qui vocatur Esther, historia continentur.

Commentary:

Ver. 1. As. Heb. "(which is the month of Adar) when the king's command and edict drew near to be executed, in that day when the enemies of the Jews hoped to have power over them, (though it turned out that the Jews had dominion over those who hated them)" H. --- To revenge, &c. The Jews, on this occasion, by authority from the king, were made executioners of the public justice, for punishing by death a crime worthy of death, viz. a malicious conspiracy for extripating their whole nation; (Ch.) so inscrutable are the judgments of God, who never wholly abandoned his people! The old Vulg. passes over the first 19 verses, with the 24th, 25th, and 28th. C. --- In this whole history we cannot but admire the Providence of God. W.

Ver. 3. Extolled. Prot. "helped." Sept. "the king's secretaries honoured the Jews." H.

Ver. 6. Sons. It seems as if they had been slain with their father, v. 10. See C. vii. 9. C. --- Yet, as the contrary would appear from C. xvi. 18, we may suppose that they were at least H. imprisoned till this time, for a more exemplary punishment, while all the rest of the family perished with Aman. Serar. Salien. M. --- These are the kindred, specified nine months before. C. xvi. T. --- Some Masorets childishly (H.) write these ten names one over another, and with greater and lesser letters, to shew that they were hung one above another, and that the guilt of all was not the same, but the youngest son was the most malicious. Kennicott,

Ver. 10. Goods, in any place, (T.) that they might not appear to be actuated by the desire of riches, (C.) to fall upon the innocent. How often does this fatal cause blind Christian conquerors! The sons of Aman were married, and had separate establishments. C. viii. 1.

Ver. 13. Susan. Aman's influence had been the greatest there, and had stirred up many enemies of the Jews, who were to be carefully sought out. H. --- If we should consider only the dictates of clemency, we should think that the Jews were too eager in their revenge. But when we reflect, that their enemies had intended to destroy them all, and to seize their effects, we shall allow that they did not exceed the limits of justice, as they acted by royal authority, and abstained from touching any effects of the deceased. C. --- In the capital, 800 men fell victims to their fury. But as the citizens of that place were probably the most guilty, we must not imagine that other cities would be treated with the like severity. H. --- Gibbets, for a terror to the wicked. M. --- This disgrace was not unusual. C. xvi.18. Polycrates was treated thus. Herod. iii. 125.

Ver. 16. Lives. In many cases they would probably be attacked, as Aman's edict was perhaps still in force, as well as that of Mardochai. Hence both parties would be upon the watch. H. --- Seventy-five. Rom. Sept. has only 15,000. Complut. 10,035. C.

Ver. 19. Meats, not only to the poor, but to all their friends, v. 22, and 2 Esd. viii. 10. C.

Ver. 21. Receive. Prot. "establish this among them, that they should keep the 14th...yearly." 2 Mac. xv. 37. H. --- None were obliged to keep more than one of these days, according to their respective dwellings. The 14th was for the provinces, the 15th for the Jews of Susan, v. 18. T. C. W. --- Yet it would seem that both days were enjoined, v. 27, 28. H. --- The Jews still observe, them, as they gratify their vanity and vindictive spirit. The 13th is kept a rigid fast, for all above sixteen, for twenty-four hours, during which they eat nothing. C. --- If that day should be a sabbath, or its eve, they fast on the 11th or 12th. Drusius. --- The day before the festival they give alms to their poor brethren, enjoining them to consume the whole in making good cheer. Each person must then contribute the half sicle, (Ex. xxx. 13.) which is bestowed on those who undertake a pilgrimage to the land of promise. At night, when the feast commences, they light the lamps, and begin to read the Book of Esther, as soon as the stars appear. They use an old parchment MS. roll, and, in the five places, the reader shouts with all his might, running over the names of the ten sons of Aman with all haste, to shew that they all died in a moment. Whenever Aman is mentioned, the children beat the benches with mallets; and formerly they used to strike at a stone, on which his name was cut, till it broke, v. 31. After the lecture, they take a repast at home. Early the next morning they return to the synagogue, and read the account of Amalec from the Pentateuch, and repeat the Book of Esther, with the aforesaid ceremonies. The rest of the day they spend in merriment. Their teachers allow them to drink till they are unable to distinguish the name of Aman from that of Mardochai. Basnage, vi. 15. --- They also change clothes, in contradiction to the law; (Deut. xxii. 5.) and were formerly accustomed to crucify a man of straw, which they burnt with the cross, till Christian emperors put a stop to them; as it was concluded, from their curses, &c. that they had an eye to our Saviour. C. See C. v. 14. H.

Ver. 25. And. Heb. "But when she came." Sept. "and how he came to the king, asking leave to hang Mardochai. But his machinations against the Jews, turned upon his own head; and so," &c. H.

Ver. 28. Ceremonies. The king also enjoined (C. xvi. 22.) all his subjects (T.) to keep a day of rejoicing, (H.) as the death of Aman was deemed a public benefit. C.

Ver. 29. Second. The first might be the edict, (C. viii. 9.) or else the provisional establishment of the festival, as it could not have general authority till it was ratified by the high priest; after which, this second letter was dispatched. C. --- Sept. "and queen Esther, daughter of Aminadab, &c....wrote all that they had done, and also the confirmation of the epistle of Phrourai." They should say Phurim, as the former word means "guards." Heb. "wrote with all authority, to confirm this second letter of Purim;" (Prot. H.) or rather, "this letter, Phurim, of which this is a copy." The Rom. Sept. only add for this and their advice; (C. Ed. Alex. "for their health and counsel.") and Esther established for ever, and wrote as a memorial: My nation," &c. H.

Ver. 30. Peace: receive these glad tidings, and faithfully observe the injunctions. C.

Ver. 31. Fasts and cries. See v. 21. C. --- Prot. "the matters of their fastings and their cry: and the decree of Esther confirmed these matters of Purim, and it was written in the book." H. - This feast, instituted by Mardochai, was accepted and observed by the Jews as a constitution agreeable to, and not contrary to the law. Deut. iv. 2. and xii. 32. W.

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Born in 1917 at Torbeyevo, Mikhail was the thirteenth child born to the family of a Mordovian peasant. In 1938 he graduated from a School of River Navigation (Речной Техникум) and worked as the captain of a small ship on the Volga. That same year he was conscripted into the Red Army and began education at a Chkalov Flying School, graduating in 1940.

Devyataev was an early entrant of World War II, destroying his first Ju-87 on 24 June 1941 just two days after Germany attacked the Soviet Union.

Soon he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. On 23 September he was seriously wounded (he was hit into his left leg). After a long stay in the hospital he was assigned to slow-speed aviation (Night bomber Po-2) and then to medical aviation. He resumed his duties as a fighter pilot after his meeting with the famous Soviet ace Aleksandr Ivanovich Pokryshkin in May 1944. Commander of an echelon with the 104th Guardian Fighter Pilot Regiment (9th Guardian Fighter Pilot Division, 2nd Airforce Army, 1st Ukrainian Front), Senior Lieutenant Devyatayev destroyed 9 enemy planes.

On 13 July 1944 Devyataev was downed near Lwów over German-held territory and became a prisoner of war, held in the Łódź concentration camp. He made an attempt to escape on 13 August but was caught and transferred to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. He soon realised his situation was perilous-as a Soviet pilot, he could expect extreme brutality; therefore, he managed to exchange identities with a dead Soviet infantryman.

With his new identity, Devyataev was later transferred to a camp in Usedom to be a part of a forced labor crew working for the German missile program on the island of Peenemünde.

Under hellish conditions, the prisoners were forced to repair runways and clear un-exploded bombs by hand. Security was rigidly enforced with vicious guards and dogs, and there was little chance of escape. Even so, by February 1945, Devyataev concluded that, however remote, the chance of escape was preferable to certain death as a prisoner.

Devyataev managed to convince three other prisoners (Sokolov, Krivonogov and Nemchenko) that he could fly them to freedom. They decided to run away at dinnertime, when most of the guards were in the dining room. Sokolov and Nemchenko were able to create a work gang from Soviet citizens only.

At noon on 8 February 1945, as the ten Soviet POWs, including Devyataev, were at work on the runway, one of the work gang, Ivan Krivonogov, picked up a crowbar and killed their guard. Another prisoner, Peter Kutergin, quickly stripped off the guard’s uniform and slipped it on. The work gang, led by the “guard”, managed to unobtrusively take over the camp commandant’s He 111 H22 bomber and fly from the island. Devyataev piloted the aircraft.

The Germans tried to intercept the bomber unsuccessfully. The aircraft was damaged by Soviet air defences but managed to land in Soviet-held territory. The escapees provided important information about the German missile program, especially about the V-1 and V-2.

V1 FLYING BOMB (C 4431) A cut-away and annotated drawing of the Fiesler Fi 103 flying bomb, (also known as FZG 76 or V1 weapon). Copyright: © IWM. Original Source: http://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/205132718

The NKVD did not believe Devyataev’s story, arguing it was impossible for the prisoners to take over an airplane without cooperation from the Germans. Thus, Devyataev was suspected of being a German spy and sent to a penal military unit along with the other nine men. Of the escapees, five died in action over the following months. Devyataev himself spent the remainder of the war in prison.

Devyataev was discharged from the army in November 1945. However, his classification remained that of a “criminal” and was unable to secure long term employment.. Eventually, though, Devyataev found work as a manual laborer in Kazan. Soviet authorities cleared Devyataev only in 1957, after the head of the Soviet space program Sergey Korolyov personally presented his case, arguing that the information provided by Devyataev and the other escapees had been critical for the Soviet space program. On 15 August 1957, Devyataev became a Hero of the Soviet Union, and a subject of multiple books and newspaper articles. He continued to live in Kazan, working as a captain of first hydrofoil passenger ships on the Volga.

In 1972, he published his memoirs.Devyataev was awarded the Order of Lenin, the Order of Red Banner twice, Order of the Patriotic War (first and second class), and many other awards.

He became an honoured citizen of Mordovia Republic, the cities of Kazan, Wolgast and Zinnowitz (Germany).

He died at Kazan in 2002, aged 85, and is buried in an old Arsk Field cemetery in Kazan near a World War II Memorial. There is a museum of Devyataev in his native Torbeyevo (opened 8 May 1975) and monuments in Usedom and Kazan.

Mikhail Devyatayev-Heroic escapee from a Nazi Concentration camp-branded a Criminal. Born in 1917 at Torbeyevo, Mikhail was the thirteenth child born to the family of a Mordovian peasant.

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