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Controversy over Chinese Signage in Richmond Unveils Underlying Racism: Overlooking Canadian Identity, Racism in Canada, and White Supremacy

This paper will address the underlying racism people experience in Canada, Canadian identity, white supremacy and the historical oppression of Chinese people in Canada, which has led to a Richmond bylaw, no.5560, to be revised in order to improve ‘community harmony’ as per the City of Richmond (Campbell, 2017). Discourse analysis I will be used because it considers how people in positions of power; for Chinese signs in Richmond, this refers to policy makers, city council members, and Chinese business owners, manipulate our unconscious way of understanding the alarming conflict surrounding the large and expansive Chinese community of Richmond, British Columbia. Discourse analysis I discusses what Gillian Rose, author of Visual Methodologies: An Introduction to Researching with Visual Materials (2016), describes as the site of the image itself and touches upon the site of circulation and the site of audiencing. This methodology has two main objectives; it seeks to discover the relationships of causality and determination between both the discursive practice in events and texts, and also to investigate how these events and texts are formed and shaped out of relations and struggles of power. With discourse refering the form of communication that demonstrates rules that reflect a particular social practice or ideological position; the City of Richmond has for one decided to take an Anglocentric position in which our social language manipulates how our language is associated with a particular identity which the City of Richmond wants to define as harmonious English speakers.

We see that previous to the revised bylaw, the City of Richmond relied more on the education of its residents to inform them on how to make their business signs legable for Richmondities and what they call ‘community harmony’(City of Richmond, n.d.). However, Ann Meriydan and Kerry Starchuk, a pair of white women that petitioned for an altercation to Chinese signage, changed this outlook. In 2013 Meriydan and Starchuk received a thousand signatures on their petition and proposed the idea of having at least two thirds of Richmond signage to contain at least one of Canada’s official languages. Some community members have even back-lashed Starchuk as a racist example of white privilege to which Starchuk claims she has no understanding of. She states that she has Chinese friends and that the first few people to sign her petition were Chinese (McMartin, 2013). On the other hand, Ben Gehrels, a writer for Vancouver Weekly, states, in Sounding canadian: Language and asian canadian identity, how knowing French or English does not prove someone’s Canadianness. Instead, Gehrels argues that the argument over bilingualism is a biased eurocentric idea that displaces Canadian values of inclusion and multiculturalism (2011, p.75). Even Richmond city council members appeared to have disparity amongst each other as only non-Chinese members approved of the petition (“Chinese signs in richmond: Should there be a limit”, 2013). The mayor of Richmond, Malcolm Brodie rebutted stating that the proposal was treading on the Canadian Charter of Rights and had the possibility of being challenged in court (Campbell, 2017).

Furthermore, once the actual, total amount of all Chinese signs in Richmond were tallied we found that only three signs in the entirety of Richmond had no English on them (“Chinese sign in richmond: City council rejects restrictions”, 2013). Since then signs in Richmond are obligated to have English on them as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Signs in Richmond with both English and Chinese on them. Reprinted from “Richmond 1: Epicentre of an unrivaled demographic explosion”, by D. Todd, 2015, http://vancouversun.com/news/staff-blogs/richmond-epicentre-of-unprecedented-demographic-explosion. Copyright 2015 by Vancouver Sun.

The businesses that still use Chinese characters have chosen to appeal “to a defined demographic. Those who take offense at that, [hide] behind the idea that it is somehow un-Canadian, or diminishes the capacity of immigrants to integrate, are feeling pain of being irrelevant in their own backyards, for the first time” (“Chinese only signs in Richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013). See Figure 2 and Figure 3.

Figure 2. Sign in Richmond with almost all Chinese. Reprinted from “Some Richmond residents are frustrated by local businesses posting signs in Chinese and not English but columnist Gordon Clark says Richmond has no right to demand they use English” by J. Schneider, 2017, http://theprovince.com/opinion/columnists/gordon-clark-richmonds-regrettable-return-to-chinese-signs-issue. Copyright 2017 by The Province.

Figure 3. An all Chinese sign in Richmond. Reprinted from. Reprinted from “Detail from a Chinese-only sign at a Richmond business in 2015. An amendment to a recently passed motion at Richmond council required that all future signage require a minimum of 50 percent of one of Canada’s official languages” by J. Schneider, 2015, http://theprovince.com/opinion/columnists/gordon-clark-richmonds-regrettable-return-to-chinese-signs-issue. Copyright 2017 by The Province.

This outrage from Meriydan and particularly Starchuk, who has been more outspoken about the issue, is absolutely based on the inferiority they feel seeing something that is not garnered to people like them in an environment where everything else is. As white women who only speak English, they will never understand the struggle of having to adapt to another culture or language since English is made out to be a universal language. Their white privilege enables them to comprehend the power and education they have received to have their language and customs set as the norm for centuries, which Figure 4 illustrates in a ‘White Canada’ sign made in the early 1900s and displayed on the streets of Vancouver, Canada (The Critical Thinking Consortium, n.d.).

Figure 4. Racist sign posted in Vancouver. Reprinted from “Sign on wooden sidewalk in 300 block Cambie Street” by P. Timms, n.d., https://tc2.ca/sourcedocs/history-docs/topics/chinese-canadian-history/causes-of-the-1907-asian-riots.html. Copyright n.d. By Vancouver Public Library.

Meriydan and Starchuk will not understand the feeling of oppression based on their appearance, name, or language. Starchuk’s decision to form the petition arouse once she was attempting to park in an area that had signs in all Chinese. The business that made the signs was the Richmond Chinese Seniors who made it to accommodate to seniors that do not speak English. To this Starchuk rebutted “‘well, I can’t read it and there’s not a parking spot for me’” (McMartin, 2013). She immediately assumes that she is not welcome to park in front of establishment for elderly Chinese people when they do not even explicitly say that certain parking spaces are only for Chinese people that come to their establishment. She feels more outrage towards the accommodation of an evergoing Chinese community in Richmond, in which they can speak and read in their mother-tongue (McMartin, 2013). She segregates herself from everyone else that fails to speak English and claims that the existence of signs not in English or French goes against Canadian identity and cultural harmony since she is unable to understand what these signs mean (“Chinese only signs in Richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013).

Yet, the intended audience of these signs are not English speaking people, which may be hard for people like Starchuk to fathom. Instead, they are meant for individuals who do not understand English. A study of locational distribution of small and large ethnic businesses in a multiethnic city: Chinese in Toronto, Canada done by Eric Fong, Wehong Chen, and Chiu Luk analyzes what makes a Chinese business thrive within a large city such as Toronto, Canada. They mention a notable discrepancy between neighbors with a dominant ethnicity and a small business of another ethnicity as residents feel as if these businesses are threatening their job opportunities. However, these small businesses manage to thrive despite the uproar as minority immigrants find that they are able to receive a standard of service which allows them to communicate in a language which they are able to understand. This is misinterpreted as a way of forming enclaves or secluding non-Chinese speaking individuals, when signs are meant to help communicate messages and meanings. Even the 2016 census of Richmond addresses the staggering disparity between the amount of French speaking individuals, 1,015, and Chinese speaking individuals, 88, 310 (Statistics Canada, 2016). Thus, if the majority of people are Chinese speaking and assuming that they are new immigrants in Canada, then they would also find it difficult to understand French as you are assuming that people in Richmond all have had the same formal Canadian education which subjects students to learn basic French and English.

Canada is meant to be a ‘multicultural’ society in which we embrace each other's’ cultures and languages. Where do we draw the line in understanding, accepting another culture? Does this come down to our ability to morally comprehend certain cultural practices or our ability to communicate with people of another culture? If language is the case then, we might as well not allow anyone that does not understand English into Canada as they have failed to show their willingness to learn about our culture. Even the term ‘Canadian culture’ seems quite ambiguous with Canadians themselves define Canadian culture as a ‘melting pot’ of different cultures and ethnicities that value democracy, freedom of speech, and inclusiveness. Immigrants and foreigners have been welcomed into Canada for decades as long as they adhere to Canadian ways of living and communicating, less for multiculturalism, and more as a way to make up for our low national birth rates (Campbell, 2017).

Furthermore, as we look back on Canadian history we realize that Chinese settlers have not always been welcomed in Canada. There is a long history of racial tension with Chinese people; as early as 1885, where a head tax was enforced solely on to Chinese immigrants (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.213), which initially started out as $50 and then gradually increased to $500 til 1947 (Baird, 2017, p.2). Then later on in 1923 the Chinese Immigration Act or Chinese exclusion act was formed in order to rationalize racial exploitation of Chinese immigrants (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.213). They were seen as genetically inferior to their white counterpart, denied the right to vote, and their movement was restricted between Canada and China (Zong and Perry 2011; Statutes of Canada 1923; Li 1992, 1998 cited in Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.212). See Figure 5 which depicts the restrictions placed on ‘oriental’ Chinese immigrants.

Figure 5. Racist drawing that shows the segregation of ‘orientals’ and whites. Reprinted from “A cartoon encouraging the exclusion of Chinese immigrants appeared in the B.C. Saturday Sunset newspaper on August 24, 1907” by Saturday Sunset Newspaper, 1907, http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/formal-apology-to-b-c-s-chinese-community-questioned-1.2429967. Copyright 1907 by Saturday Sunset Newspaper.

Many of these immigrants had arrived at an early age from the lower class of Southern China with little to no work experience, and little education and knowledge of English (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.215). The Chinese were not and are still not recognized for their foreign work and skill set which attributes towards their downward occupational mobility. “They faced exclusion both in the state in the form of government policy, laws and practices, and in the public sphere in the form of people’s [racial] and cultural bias” (Zong and Perry 2011; Statutes of Canada 1923; Li 1992, 1998 cited in Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.212). This has helped shape how Canadian society perceives Chinese people as undesirable and unwelcome. Take Figure 6 for example. It presents a racist flyer that was posted door to door in Richmond describing Chinese settlers as a group of people taking advantage of Canadian schooling and healthcare and also Figure 7 illustrating the frustration and offence racist white individuals feel about the growing Chinese population in Canada.

Figure 6. An anti-Chinese poster was handed out in Richmond stating that Chinese immigrants are taking advantage of Canadian resources without being ‘true citizens’. Reprinted from “This new flyer, apparently printed by Immigration Watch Canada and singling out immigrant Chinese families, is now hitting doorsteps of Richmond”, by D. Gu, 2016, http://www.richmond-news.com/opinion/letters/letter-let-s-not-shy-away-from-racism-talk-in-richmond-1.3460942. Copyright 2013-17 by LMP Publication Limited Partnership.

Figure 7. A sign that posted throughout Steveston, Richmond. A predominantly white neighbourhood. Reprinted from “‘Shocking’ white supremacy posters delivered to Richmond homes”, by J. Slattery, 2016, https://globalnews.ca/news/3074043/shocking-white-supremacy-posters-delivered-to-richmond-homes/. Copyright 2016 by Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc..

From Figure 6 we see that Immigration Watch Canada claims that there is a ‘visible-minority preference’ towards Chinese immigrants, who are paying less for income tax. Figure 7 shows another recent flyer posted in Steveston that claims Richmond to be a community built by only white settlers, as if there were no Chinese miners or railway workers back in the 1800s, when, ironically, Chinese immigrants were the ones forced to pay a head tax, refused the right to vote, denied certain occupations, and paid less than their white counterpart (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.212-215). They are visible-minorities because they are judged immediately by their appearance as you can physically tell the difference between them and the dominant white race.

Furthermore, the language used in Chinese signs are analyzed by how the text is interpreted by individuals that may or may not be able to read Chinese. Figure 8, for instance, is a clear example why not every sign in Richmond should only be in English or should be written in English at all.

Figure 8. A poorly worded help wanted sign posted in Richmond. Reprinted from “A sandwich board help-wanted sign put up by a richmond-based business was removed thursday after complaints”, by Handout, 2017, http://www.theprovince.com/news/local+news/richmond+sign+seeks+27chinese+sales+person/13704460/story.html. Copyright 2017, by The Province.

As this particular help wanted sign reading “NOW HIRING WE ARE HIRING CHINESE SALESPERSON” has caused a lot of controversy with Furnitureland outlet asking for a Chinese sales person, when they were actually looking for a Chinese speaking sales person. The creator's lackluster understanding of English has led to bouts of people stating that this business only provides service for Chinese individuals, which has only fuelled stereotypical, racist ideas that foreign immigrants are moving into Canada to steal jobs from Canadians (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.214).

In conclusion, Richmond is experiencing a racial disparity amongst Chinese and non-Chinese speaking people. Signs that are made with no English or French on them are claimed to be non-Canadian and against cultural harmony even though they are made for people that only understand Chinese. Canada claims that it is accepting of immigrants and willing to embrace different cultures, in which there is an underlying understanding that everyone entering Canada must be able to understand English regardless of their education, but there has been little opportunities provided for new immigrants to learn English unless they are placed within the Canadian school system which only really applies towards the younger generation in elementary school and high school. However, there is a notable social stigma, particularly, towards Chinese people in Canada. The history of oppression they have faced since the mid 1800s has never truly gone away (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.211). To some they are still viewed as outsiders, ‘others’, or immigrants (Gehrels, 2011, p. 75). But Chinese people are not minorities or outsiders. In fact, they are the dominant ones in Richmond (“Chinese signs in richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013).

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richmondchinesesigns-blog · 7 years ago

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Controversy over Chinese Signage in Richmond Unveils Underlying Racism: Overlooking Canadian Identity, Inclusivity, and Community Harmony

Richmond, British Columbia is known to be a predominantly Chinese city, with over half of the population being Chinese (“Chinese signs in richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013), which makes sense as to why most of the signage used in Richmond include Chinese characters. For business owners, these signs help appeal to Chinese speaking individuals that do not understand English as the exact meaning of words can be lost in translation. Due to the abundance of signs posted in Chinese, there sparks a debate among citizens on whether or not business signs with all Chinese should be removed or at least include fifty percent of English or French, Canada’s two official languages. The rising conflict insinuates the idea business owners with signs in all Chinese are not willing to embrace Canadian culture or at least attempt to appeal to a non-Chinese audience which speaks about underlying racism, Canadian identity, and inclusivity. This has led to bylaw no.5560 to be revised to improve ‘community harmony’ as per the City of Richmond (Campbell, 2017). Discourse analysis I will be used to evaluate Chinese signage in Richmond since it considers our unconscious way of understanding the alarming conflict about the growing Chinese population of Richmond that has already a large Chinese community in Canada.

Previous to the revised bylaw, the City of Richmond relied more on the education of its residents to inform them on how to make their business signs legible for Richmondities and what they call ‘community harmony’(City of Richmond, n.d.), but Ann Meriydan and Kerry Starchuk, a pair of white women that petitioned for an altercation to Chinese signage, changed this outlook. In 2013, Meriydan and Starchuk received a thousand signatures on their petition and proposed the idea, of having at least two thirds of Richmond signage to contain at least one of Canada’s official languages. Some community members have even backlashed Starchuk as a racist example of white privilege to which Starchuk claims she has no understanding of. She states that she has Chinese friends and that the first few people to sign her petition were Chinese (McMartin, 2013). Ben Grehels, a writer for Vancouver Weekly, states, in Sounding canadian: Language and asian canadian identity, how knowing French or English does not prove someone’s Canadianness. Instead, Grehels argues that the argument over bilingualism is a eurocentric idea that displaces Canadian values of inclusion and multiculturalism (2011, pp.75). Even Richmond city council members appeared to have disparity amongst each other as only non-Chinese members approved of the petition (“Chinese signs in richmond: Should there be a limit”, 2013). The mayor of Richmond, Malcolm Brodie rebutted stating that the proposal was treading on the Canadian Charter of Rights and had the possibility of being challenged in court (Campbell, 2017).

Figure 1. Adapted from “Richmond 1: Epicentre of an unrivaled demographic explosion”, Douglas Todd, Jun 12, 2015, Retrieved from http://vancouversun.com/news/staff-blogs/richmond-epicentre-of-unprecedented-demographic-explosion

The businesses that use Chinese characters have chosen to appeal “to a defined demographic. Those who take offense at that, hiding behind the idea that it is somehow un-Canadian, or diminishes the capacity of immigrants to integrate, are feeling pain of being irrelevant in their own backyards, for the first time” (“Chinese only signs in Richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013). This outrage from Meriydan and particularly Starchuk, who has been more outspoken about the issue, is absolutely based on the inferiority they feel about seeing something that is not garnered to people like them in an environment where everything else is. As white women who only speak English, they will never understand the struggle of having to adapt to another culture or language since English is made out to be a universal language. Their white privilege enables them to comprehend the power and education they have received to have their language and customs set as the norm. They will not understand the feeling of oppression based on their appearance, name, or language. Starchuk’s decision to form the petition arouse once she was attempting to park in an area that had signs in all Chinese. The business that made the signs was the Richmond Chinese Seniors who made it to accommodate to seniors that do not speak English. To this Starchuk rebutted “‘well, I can’t read it and there’s not a parking spot for me’” (McMartin, 2013). She assumes that she is not welcome to park in front of establishment for elderly Chinese people when they do not even explicitly say that certain parking spaces are only for Chinese people that come to their establishment. She feels more outrage towards the accommodation of an evergoing Chinese community in Richmond in which they can speak and read in their mother-tongue (McMartin, 2013). She segregates herself from everyone else that fails to speak English and claims that the existence of signs not in English or French goes against Canadian identity and cultural harmony since she is unable to understand what these signs mean (“Chinese only signs in Richmond: Should there be a limit?”, 2013).

On the other hand, the intended audience of these signs are not English speaking people, which may be hard for people like Starchuk to fathom. Instead, they are meant for individuals who do not understand English. A study of locational distribution of small and large ethnic businesses in a multiethnic city: Chinese in Toronto, Canada done by Eric Fong, Wehong Chen, and Chiu Luk analyzes what makes a Chinese business thrive within a large city such as Toronto, Canada. They mention a notable discrepancy between neighbors with a dominant ethnicity and a small business of another ethnicity as residents feel as if these businesses are threatening their job opportunities. Yet, these small businesses manage to thrive despite the uproar as minority immigrants find that they are able to receive a standard of service which allows them to communicate in a language which they are able to understand. This is misinterpreted as a way of forming enclaves or secluding non-Chinese speaking individuals, when signs are meant to help communicate messages and meanings, but even the 2016 census of Richmond addresses the staggering disparity between the amount of French speaking individuals, 1,015, and Chinese speaking individuals, 88, 310 (Statistics Canada, 2016). Thus, if the majority of people are Chinese speaking and assuming that they are new immigrants in Canada, then they would also find it difficult to understand French as you are assuming that people in Richmond all have had the same formal Canadian education which subjects students to learn basic French and English.

Yet, Canada is meant to be a ‘multicultural’ society in which we embrace each others languages. Where do we draw the line in understanding, accepting another culture? Does this come down to our ability to morally comprehend certain cultural practices or our ability to communicate with people of another culture? If language is the case then, we might as well not allow anyone that does not understand English into Canada as they have failed to show their willingness to learn about our culture, but even the term Canadian culture seems quite ambiguous with Canadians themselves define Canadian culture as a ‘melting pot’ of different cultures that value democracy, freedom of speech, and inclusiveness. Immigrants and foreigners have been welcomed into Canada for decades as long as they adhere to Canadian ways of living and communicating, less for multiculturalism, and more so as a way to make up for low national birth rates (Campbell, 2017).

Chinese settlers have not always been welcomed in Canada. There is a long history of racial tension with Chinese people; as early as 1885, where a head tax was enforced solely onto Chinese immigrants (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.213), which initially started out as $50 and then gradually increased to $500 til 1947 (Baird, 2017, p.2). Then later on in 1923 the Chinese Immigration Act or Chinese exclusion act was formed in order to rationalize racial exploitation of Chinese immigrants (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.213). They were seen as genetically inferior to their white counterpart, denied the right to vote, and their movement was restricted between Canada and China (Zong and Perry 2011; Statutes of Canada 1923; Li 1992, 1998 cited in Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.212). Many immigrants had arrived at an early age from the lower class of Southern China with little to no work experience, and little education and knowledge of English (Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.215). The Chinese were not and are still not recognized for their foreign work and skill set which attributes towards their downward occupational mobility. “They faced exclusion both in the state in the form of government policy, laws and practices, and in the public sphere in the form of people’s [racial] and cultural bias” (Zong and Perry 2011; Statutes of Canada 1923; Li 1992, 1998 cited in Wang, Zong, & Li, 2012, p.212). This helped shape how Canadian society perceived Chinese people as undesirable and unwelcome. Even besides the issue of Chinese signs in Richmond, there have been more recent acts of racist signs such as the one shown in Figure 2, which encompasses a recent racist sign posted in Steveston that claims Richmond to be a community built by only white settlers, as if there were no Chinese miners or railway workers back in the 1800s.

Furthermore, the intended audience of these signs are not English speaking people, which may be hard for people like Starchuk to fathom. Instead, they are meant for individuals who do not understand English. A study of locational distribution of small and large ethnic businesses in a multiethnic city: Chinese in Toronto, Canada. done by Eric Fong, Wehong Chen, and Chiu Luk analyzes what makes a Chinese business thrive within a large city such as Toronto. They mention a notable discrepancy between neighbors with a dominant ethnicity and a small business of another ethnicity as residents feel as if these businesses are threatening their job opportunities. Yet, these small businesses manage to thrive despite the uproar as minority immigrants find that they are able to receive a standard of service which allows them to communicate in a language which they are able to understand. This is misinterpreted as a way of forming enclaves or secluding non-Chinese speaking individuals, when signs are meant to help communicate messages and meaning. Even the 2016 census of Richmond addresses the staggering disparity between 1,015 French speaking individuals and 88, 310 Chinese speaking individuals within the area (Statistics Canada, 2016).Thus, if people are unable to read English, assuming that they are new immigrants in Canada, then they would also find it difficult to understand French as you are assuming that people in Richmond all have had the same formal Canadian education which subjects students to learn basic French and English which is taught throughout the entirety of their education in the lower mainland of British Columbia, Canada.

The language used in Chinese signs are analyzed by how the text is interpreted by individuals that may or may not be able to read Chinese. Figure 3, for instance, is a clear example why not every sign should only be in English or should be written in English at all.

Figure 3. Adapted from “Richmond sign seeking ’chinese’ sales person sparks debate”, Handout, July 12, 2017, Retrieved from http://www.theprovince.com/news/local+news/richmond+sign+seeks+27chinese+sales+person/13704460/story.html

As this particular sign has caused a lot of controversy with Furnitureland outlet asking for a Chinese sales person, when they were actually looking for a Chinese speaking sales person, but their lack of understanding of English has led to bouts of people stating that this business only provides service for Chinese individuals. This has only fuelled stereotypical racist ideas that foreign immigrants are moving into Canada to steal jobs from Canadians.

In conclusion, Richmond is experiencing a racial disparity amongst Chinese and non-Chinese people. Signs that are made with no English or French on them are claimed to be non-Canadian and against cultural harmony even though they are made for people that only understand Chinese. Canada claims that it is accepting of immigrants and willing to embrace different cultures, in which there is an underlying understanding that everyone entering Canada must be able to understand English regardless of their education, but there has been little opportunities provided for new immigrants to learn English unless they are placed within the Canadian school system which only really applies towards the younger generation in elementary school and high school.

References

Baird, I. G. (2017, Sept 12). An anti-racism methodology: The native sons and daughters and racism against asians in nanaimo, british columbia, canada. The Canadian Geographer, 1-14. doi: 10.1111/cag.12406

Campbell, A. (2017, June 7). Mandatory English on signs could be on the in richmond. Richmond News.Retrieved from http://www.richmond-news.com/news/mandatory-english-on-signs-could-be-on-the-way-in-richmond-1.20445215

Chinese signs in richmond: City council rejects restrictions. (2013, March 18). Huffington Post. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2013/03/18/chinese-signs-in-richmond-petition_n_2903197.html?utm_hp_ref=ca-richmond-chinese-signs

Chinese signs in richmond: Should there be a limit? (2013, March 15). Huffington Post. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2013/03/15/chinese-signs-richmond-limit-policy-english-language_n_2886882.html?utm_hp_ref=ca-richmond-chinese-signs

City of Richmond. (n.d.). Community engagement. Retrieved from https://www.richmond.ca/busdev/signs/community.htm

Fong, E, Chen, W, & Luk, C. (2012). A study of locational distribution of small and large ethnic businesses in a multiethnic city: Chinese in toronto, canada. Journal of Small Business Management 50(4), 678-698. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-627X.2012.00371.x

Gehrels, B. (2011). Sounding canadian: Language and asian canadian identity. West Coast Line 45(3), 74-79.

Handout. (2017, July 12). A sandwich board help-wanted sign put up by a richmond-based business was removed thursday after complaints [Photograph]. Retrieved from http://www.theprovince.com/news/local+news/richmond+sign+seeks+27chinese+sales+person/13704460/story.html

McMartin, P. (2013). Richmond sign petition brings hushed issue to the fore. Vancouver Sun. Retrieved from http://vancouversun.com/Opinion/Columnists/pete-mcmartin-richmond-sign-petition-brings-hushed-issue-to-the-fore/wcm/ef209da8-3fa7-43ad-90aa-19e057de78ee

Moodley, K. (2012, Oct 19). Shifting boundaries and flexible identities within a multicultural canada. Journal of Intercultural Education 23(5), 425-436. http://dx.doi.org.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/10.1080/14675986.2012.728042

Slattery, J. (2016, Nov 17). White supremacy posters [Photograph]. Retrieved from https://globalnews.ca/news/3074043/shocking-white-supremacy-posters-delivered-to-richmond-homes/

Statistics Canada. (2016). Census Profile, 2016 Census. Retrieved from http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2016/dp-pd/prof/details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=5915015&Geo2=PR&Code2=59&Data=Count&SearchText=Vancouver&SearchType=Begins&SearchPR=01&B1=All

Todd, D. (2015, Jun 12). Chinese-language signs [Photograph]. Retrieved from http://vancouversun.com/news/staff-blogs/richmond-epicentre-of-unprecedented-demographic-explosion

Wang, Y., Zong, L., & Li, H. (2012, Nov 1). Barriers to social integration for chinese immigrants in canada, then and now: A comparison. Journal of Chinese Overseas 8(2), 205-231. doi: 10.1163/17932548-12341237

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