nairobicasestudy

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Jim Chuchu: “A blackness not afraid to dream”

Jim Chuchu is a Kenyan photographer, musician, and film director born in Nairobi in 1982. Originally a graphic designer for an advertising company, Chuchu quit his job to pursue his artistic dreams in 2006. Chuchu co-founded the musical group ‘Just a Band’ in 2008, and moved onto photography in collections such as “Concrete Crystals” in 2010 and “Pagans” in 2013/2014. Chuchu co-founded ‘The Nest Collective’ for Kenyan artists in 2012 to coordinate and advertise Kenyan art, and with ‘Nest’, helped create the HEVA fund for East African creative entrepreneurs. Chuchu also expanded his art into moviemaking, with starting with short films “Homecoming” and “Urban Hunter” in 2013. One of his most famous and controversial works was “Stories of our Lives,” which he co-directed, wrote, and filmed- “Stories” won awards across the globe, but was banned by the Kenyan Film Classification Board and cannot be sold and distributed in Kenya. Chuchu remains working in Nairobi, filming the webseries ‘Tuko Macho’ and releasing his ‘Secession’ photography collection in 2016. 

As a prolific and award-winning creator of film, music, and visual art, as well as a co-founder of many artistic groups, it is easy to get lost in simply listing Chuchu’s accomplishments. Chuchu’s work not just aesthetically appealing, but deeply political. His 2014 film “Stories of our Lives,” is a powerful response to homophobic views and legislation in Kenya and an expression of LGBT experiences that is uniquely Kenyan. ‘Stories’ is a collection of five vignettes: 

 -”Ask Me Nicely”: the story of two students (Kate and Faith), falling in love and struggling with a relationship that society actively tries to destroy. 

-”Run”: the story of Patrick, a businessman who discovers a gay bar with a homophobic friend (Kama), and is torn between a desire to enter and the social pressures to reject it.

-”Athman”: the story of Athman and Ray, two farm workers who discover that their friendship has romantic overtones after they become jealous when a flirtatious stranger, Fiona, arrives.

-”Duet”: an exploration of race and sexuality, as Jeff (a Kenyan visiting the UK) discusses race with his Roman, his British escort. 

-”Each Night I Dream”: the story of a couple (Liz and Achi) who plan their escape as homophibic mobs terrorize the neighborhood

The use of five completely different situations and relationships enables Chuchu to explore different ideas and tones freely throughout “Stories. LGBT relationships can be tragic and turbulent (’Ask Me Nicely’ exploring the damage social pressures can have on young LGBT romance and the the confusion of a relationship that society condemns; ‘Each Night’ exploring the stress society places on established relationships, and the terror that some couples must survive), but they are not purely tragic. ‘Ask Me Nicely’ ends with the couple reuniting (albeit awkwardly), and Jeff doesn’t face some tragic end or attack as a consequence of his feelings in ‘Duet’- in fact, Jeff in many ways is in control of the situation, with Roman as his escort. Patrick, Kate, Faith, Ray, Athman, Jeff, Liz, and Achi all face challenges, but their stories are wildly different- Chuchu avoids falling into a single story. Chuchu is critical of both the West (see ‘Duet’) and Kenyan society at large (see ‘Ask Me Nicely’, ‘Run’, and ‘Each Night I Dream’), seeking to give Kenyan LGBT their own voice. That was enough to warrant a ban from the Kenyan Film Classification Board, and to create public outrage in Kenya. Chuchu, along with his fellow writer Nyoki Ngumi and others who worked to create “Stories” did not initially release their names attached to the film. Chuchu described it as “a very tough decision” to attach his name to the film in an interview with The National. “The film has an earthquake quality.” Attitudes towards LGBT individuals in Kenya have been historically hostile since the British colonial period- Kenya has kept laws criminalizing homosexuality, which is punishable with up to fourteen years in prison. Pew polls record 90% of polled individuals in Kenya answering ‘No’ towards ‘should gay people be accepted in society?’. While Western organizations attempt to pressure the Kenyan government into decriminalizing homosexuality (with little to no effect), “Stories of our Lives” refuses to be anything but Kenyan (though Chuchu has shown inclinations towards pan-Africanism and East African solidarity, so one could argue it is East African as well as simply Kenyan). 

Chuchu’s photography is equally political: his 2013-2014 photo-project “Pagans”, which sought to capture the visual essence of “future-past anonymous African deities” (African Futures, 38) was heavily inspired by Afro-futurism and the idea of a pan-African cultural space to explore fantasy and the mixture of spirituality and technology. The photography in “Pagans” also transitions from color to black-and-white after the 2014 ban on “Stories”.

2013:

2014:

‘Pagans’ also seeks to carve out a space for pan-African fantasy: the deities depicted in ‘pagans’ are anonymous, detached from region or tribe. Chuchu describes “a blackness not afraid to dream, not afraid to exist in another world.” “If black people aren’t allowed to dream, how can we create something?” (African Futures, 38). 

Chuchu’s 2016 “Secession: No Person Shall Be Held Against Their Will In A Body They Do Not Want,” gives voice to the ‘T’ in Kenyan LGBT: while “Stories” was primarily focused on same-sex relationships in modern Kenya, ‘Secession’ pivots towards gender and gender dysphoria in Kenya. In particular, ‘Secessions’ seeks to capture the rage, pain, and desperation to escape Kenya’s rigid stances against expression by Transgender individuals.

While ‘Secessions’ gives voice to a feelings of violent separation from the rest of Kenyan society (the secession in question), it also paints a picture of imagination and peace beyond the body- a sleeping figure with a feather pointing above and beyond:

Chuchu’s exploration of both struggle and peace demonstrates nuance and versatility. It gives perspectives that go beyond a single message or perspective- part of what makes Chuchu perfect for this Kenyan cultural profile. Chuchu takes on several issues discussed in our course: identity in independent Africa, the need for African voices in a system primarily dominated by outsiders that strip Africans of their agency, the need to escape what Adiche called “the single story”, and the tensions between the West and African LGBT voices in the struggle against homophobic legal codes in Africa. Chuchu embraces the Afro-futurist pan-African vision of black unity: he may work out of his native Nairobi, but he never labels his art as purely Kenyan. His organizations- Nest Collective, HEVA- act as East-African artistic collectives rather than national ones. Chuchu sees identity in a ‘future-past anonymous’ pan-African vision, one of anonymous gods defined less by a regional past and more by a shared future. He rejects communal values -such as those towards gay relationships and transgender individuals- in favor of individual liberation. He ‘secedes’ from a Kenya he feels has rejected him, and embraces Nest and HEVA as a greater East-African artistic identity, Race plays a part in this identity (’Pagans’ does imagine black dreams of the future), but ethnicity and nationality are silently ignored. 

Chuchu’s vision of Kenyan LGBT is not one of helpless Africans in need of a Western savior, but rather of individuals planning their own escape and taking matters into their own hands despite a society that is hostile to them. The West is not an enemy, necessarily, but it is tied into a contentious and complicated past bound by race relations (and power is in the hands of Africans when Westerners do enter- ‘Duet’ paints the Kenyan as distinctly in control). Homophobic attitudes in Kenya are not coddled either- they are depicted as destructive, even mindless (the mob in “Stories”) forces that are at odds with true individual liberation. 

Beyond connections to the class, Chuchu seemed ideal because of the variety in his art- he plays with film, photography, and music, and he often collaborates with others in Nest and Just a Band. He also gives a unique perspective as an artist who was not always set on high art- Chuchu’s background as a closeted gay man in Nairobi who worked for an ordinary Nairobi ad agency until 2006 gives him insight into the Nairobi LGBT experience. While art school or foreign schools do not ‘taint’ artists or make them less ‘authentic’, its a different perspective. Also not to claim that Chuchu is somehow provincial- he has toured in LA, and is a very well-informed and politically active individual (just check his twitter account). But his thoroughly Nairobi-grown perspective and willingness to collaborate with others across East Africa really creates a unique perspective that adds significantly to discourse on Kenyan culture and art. 

For those interested in “Stories of Our Lives,” or The National Interview:

Sources:

http://www.jimchuchu.com/portfolio

http://africandigitalart.com/2009/06/interview-with-jim-chuchu/

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/diriye-osman/stories-of-our-lives_b_5859888.html

http://www.thisisthenest.com/sool-film

http://www.indiewire.com/2014/10/kenyan-film-board-bans-tiff-film-stories-of-our-lives-215860/

http://www.thisisthenest.com/about/

https://www.amnesty.org.uk/lgbti-lgbt-gay-human-rights-law-africa-uganda-kenya-nigeria-cameroon

http://www.pewglobal.org/2013/06/04/the-global-divide-on-homosexuality/

(Edited by) Heidenreich, Lien; O’Toole, Sean. African Futures: Thinking about the Future Through Word and Image (Kerber: 2016) 38-42

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Kenyan News: End of March

On March 30th, 'Mukutan Retreat’, the safari lodge of conversationalist (and writer of the famous memoir ‘I Dreamed of Africa’) Kuki Gallmann was burned down. According to her daughter Sveva Gallmann, assailants shot at her as she ran to rescue her 9-month old daughter from the blaze. It is believed that the assailants are cattle-herders, and that the attack is in response to the police shooting over 100 cattle illegally grazing at the edge of the property earlier that week. The region, Laikipia, is home to some of the largest white landowners, ranchers, and safaris- and has been the site of a battle between pastoralists desperate for grazing land and landowners who claim that the grasslands are being destroyed by overgrazing. Herders, under threat from police and landowners, have taken to a ‘scorched earth’ policy of retribution and shooting on sight. The conflict combines political tension and climate change: white landowners taking pastoral grazing lands was common under the Kenyan colonial administration and led to conflicts such as the Moi Moi rebellion, adding historical parallels and tensions to this current conflict. To make matters more desperate, a severe drought has been decimating herding lands since 2014, and putting pastoral communities in danger. 

BBC Link: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-39442270:

Also on March 30th, the Kenyan government released their 2017 budget two months early, given that national elections are approaching. Analysis and public reaction are still ongoing. 

BBC Link: http://www.bbc.com/news/live/world-africa-39261561

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Kenyan Foreign Aid

Kenya is a country that is not dependent on foreign aid, but is hardly removed from it: in 2015, BBC estimated that 5-6% of Kenya’s income was made up of foreign aid. Kenya received $206 million in aid in 2016 from the US, $585,326 in 2017, and 289 million pounds from the UK between 2008 and 2012. Much of the US aid is delivered through the Peace Corps and other similar groups, rather than direct government payments. 

Kenya’s government has been wary of foreign aid in recent years (or at least proclaimed to be), with Uhuru Kenyatta urging Africa to become independent of foreign aid and escape colonial economic dependency in 2015. This debate on dependency and aid- the fear of Western interference and economic dependency- is not unrelated to Kenyatta’s shaky relationship with Western countries in the early 2010′s. Kenyatta’s investigation by the International Criminal Court (in regards to involvement in 2008′s electoral violence) may have contributed to starting this discussion. Regardless of its origins, Kenya’s public discourse remains focused on independence from aid (while still accepting it to bolster development). 

Kenya hosts a wide number of NGO’s, many of which are focused on wildlife conservation and medical assistance. Every NGO has its own story (constructive or destructive), but recently a point of conflict has developed between many NGOs and the Kenyan government over worker employment: Kenyan law dictates that NGOs can only hire foreigners if they are essential to the NGO, training Kenyan workers, or no Kenyan is available who could be hired instead. Rather than follow the law, many NGOs have instead hired expatriates to fill positions while ignoring the appropriate work visa paperwork- and since 2016, the government has sought to crack down on this illegal practice. 

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-33108716 

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-36587518

http://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-kenya-aid-eu-idUKBRE96M12S20130723

http://us-foreign-aid.insidegov.com/q/90/1590/How-much-money-does-the-U-S-give-to-Kenya

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Kenyan News 3/19-26

March 24th: Unfortunately, a survey released on the 24th revealed that 1 in 200 Kenyans have tuberculosis. This data is higher than estimated, but might be skewed as it measured based on those seeking medical attention. http://www.bbc.com/news/world/africa/live

On the 22nd of March, Kenya’s government announced that a cybercrime syndicate has been stealing from the national revenue authority, stealing $165 million via hacking in 2016 alone. An investigation into both the revenue authority and potential hackers is ongoing http://www.bbc.com/news/live/world-africa-38856391

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Kenyan Democratic History

Kenya’s government has shifted from a democracy to a one-party military state back to a democracy since it won independence, and has moved between multiple constitutions and political phases. Currently, it is a multi-party representational democracy of the British style: the country is split into provinces that elect representatives who legislate in a bicameral legislature. 

Here is a summary of the political transformations and obstacles that Kenya has faced since independence:

The Kenyatta independence government of 1961 (which itself banned the opposition KPU party, and might not be considered the most open multi-party representative democracy) continued uninterrupted until Kenyatta’s death in 1978, when he was succeeded by Daniel arap Moi. Moi and the dominant KANU party banned all other political parties in 1981, and transitioned towards a one-party military government. The air force attempted a coup in 1982, but failed. The one-party Moi state fell under continuous international scrutiny for human rights abuses and political imprisonment. 

In 1991, Moi finally lifted the ban on other political parties for the 1992 election, which Moi won despite large-scale dissent and criticism. When Moi won again in 1997, the elections themselves came under criticism. 

In 2002, Moi finally was beat in an open election by Mwai Kibaki- ending his 24 year presidency and KANU’s monopoly on executive power since independence. Discussion of a new constitution began in 2005 (though the 2005 constitution was rejected). Kibaki remained in power despite intense violence that spilled out of the 2007 election, and formed a power-sharing government with other parties. In 2010, a new Constitution was put in place, significantly reforming the government.

In 2013, Uhuru Kenyatta won the presidency, bringing in Kenya’s most recent government. 

Kenya’s 2010 constitution includes a robust bill of rights that guarantees freedom of expression and association. Media and political opposition is robust, and there are no signs of a single-party state being around the bend. Most of the human rights abuses have been abuses by security forces and a little government interest in investigating or preventing such abuses. Additionally, there seems to be very little investigation of 2007′s election violence, and no accountability for those involved in electoral violence. 

Sources:

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13682176

https://www.hrw.org/africa/kenya

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Kenya News:

March 15th: President Kenyatta gave a state of the union speech and declared he would be running for another term. Also on March 15th, a bandit attack killed 9 in the Rift Valley. http://www.bbc.com/news/world/africa/live

March 14th: The crippling 100-day doctor’s strike finally ended with a raise in doctor’s wages and a start in negotiation over the CBA (Collective Bargaining Agreement). http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-39271850

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Kenyan Independence

Most recently in the course, we have been discussing the process of decolonization and independence- and the impact of colonialism on fledgling states. Kenya fits perfectly into the discussion- and has been actively examined during the course.

Kenya achieved independence in 1961, but the roots of the independence movement go back much further. Kenyan nationalists, such as Odinga or Kenyatta Senior, go back years- as does the Mau Mau rebellion. The Mau Mau rebellion of 1952 was a rural rebellion of Kikuyu “squatters” driven from their land by white settlers (see: Shillington’s “The Winning of Independence”)- an armed guerrilla movement that fought the British colonial government for five years. The Mau Mau rebellion demonstrates Nugent’s decolonization hypothesis fairly well: it shows that Britain did not plan Kenyan independence, but was forced to decolonize by nationalist movements. The British government brutally suppressed both the Mau Mau and Kenyan nationalists as a whole- placing men in concentration camps, torturing suspected dissidents, and brutally killing thousands (see the BBC documentary “The White Terror”). 

The Mau Mau rebellion demonstrated a need for true Kenyan independence and majority rule- that the white minority of the colonial settlements could not manage the region competently for the British government. The 1961 government also highlights the early divisions of the Kenyan state: The Kenyan African Democratic Union (KADU) formed a government with moderate white settlers while the Kenyan African National Union (KANU) waited for the release of political prisoners. The parties briefly mingled after Jomo Kenyatta was released and elected president in 1963. 

KANU may have brought together the early Kenyan nationalist groups, but soon Vice President Odinga Odinga led a split in KANU, and formed the left-wing Kenyan People’s Union (KPU) in 1966. Kenyatta remained president until he died in 1978, and steered Kenya more towards the West during the Cold War- setting Kenya towards “African Capitalism” rather than “African Socialism” in the context of the Cold War. 

Even as Odinga Odinga (a member of the Luo ethnic group) led a political split based on ideology with the KPU, the disagreement between the KADU and the KANU revealed some political differences across ethnic lines- the primarily Kalenjin KADU tended towards federalism rather than centralization, while KADU (which was very Kikuyu and Luo dominated) tended towards centralization. Additionally, there was some inherent tension between the white and asian settlers and everyone else- the British government had been afraid to release Kenyatta or allow a potentially anti-settler government to form. The KANU did not do this, but it certainly highlights some of the tensions of early Kenya. 

Sources:

Nugent, Paul. "Poisoned Chalice or Cup of Plenty"

Shillington, Kevin “The Winning of Independence”

BBC Kenya Profile

BBC’s Mau Mau “The White Terror” Documentary

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News 2/6/17-2/14/17

On February 13th, 2017, the Kenyan government arrested 7 leaders of the nationwide doctor’s strike for failing to put the protests to an end. This has only led to private physicians joining the public doctors in striking across Kenya in solidarity. The crippling strikes have been going on since December 5th, and demand higher pay for doctors and medical professionals, as well as better conditions. 

Sources BBC and Al-Jazeera

On February 14th, 2017, Human Rights Watch announced that Ethiopia’s Gibe III Dam is a threat to the livelihoods and survival of Kenyans along Lake Turkana. The dam, which may double Ethiopia’s power supply, will cut off water to Lake Turkana and the Omo Valley- leading to food and water shortages in Ethiopia and Kenya. 

Source: BBC

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Ethnic Groups in Kenya

The barebones demographics of Kenya go like this: according to the CIA factbook, Kenya’s population is 

22% Kikuyu

14% Luhya

13% Luo

12% Kalenjin 

11% Kamba

6% Kisii

6% Meru

15% “Other African”

1% “Non African” (Indian, Arabic, European)

Macroethnic Groups: Many of Kenya’s ethnic groups belong to a larger “family” of related ethnic groups. There are three of these that are prominent in Kenya:

Bantu: Migrated in large numbers from West Africa during the Neolithic (New Stone Age). 

Nilotes: A group of ethnicites native to the upper Nile valley

Cushites: A group of ethnicities native to the Horn of Africa

Disclaimer: All of these groups can be further divided into smaller groups- there are not the smallest form of cultural or ethnic division, and should not be treated as such.

Kikuyu (Bantu): The largest ethnic group in Kenya, the Kikuyu live across the interior of Kenya. The reigning president, Uhuru Kenyatta, comes from a Kikuyu family- and in the 2007 electoral crisis, his party joined the PNU (a primarily Kikuyu coalition of parties that sought to use ethnic alliances and affiliations to coalesce support against the ODM, which was primarily Luo and Luhya).

Luhya (Bantu): The second largest ethnic group in Kenya is a Bantu group primarily concentrated in far Western Kenya. Many Luhya politicians sought to coalesce Luyha support for the ODM, against the PNU in the 2007 electoral crisis. Kenneth Marende, speaker of the National Assembly and member of the ODM, is from a Luhya family.

Luo (Nilo-Saharan): The third largest ethnic group in Kenya, the Luo, can be found in Western Kenya and in Uganda and Tanzania. The first Kenyan Vice President Jaromogi Odinga Odinga comes from a Luo family- as does his son and former Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Fun fact: Barack Obama Senior came from a Luo family as well, from the town of Kogelo. 

Kalenjin (Nilo-Saharan): This East-Kenyan Nilotic ethnic group is famous for resisting British rule- particularly the Kalenjin sub-ethnic group known as the Nandi. The ensuing military campaign of the late 1800′s to early 1900′s is known as the “Nandi Resistance”. The Kalenjin also took part in the KADU: an early movement after independence that called for federalism and decentralization for the benefit of smaller ethnic groups. The founder of the KADU- Ronald Ngala- was born in a Kalenjin family. Deputy President William Ruto and PNU politician is from a Kalenjin family, though Kalenjin politicians sought to mobilize support for both the ODM and the PNU during the electoral crisis. 

Kamba (Bantu): The Kamba live in East-Central Kenya, and during British colonial rule were labelled as a “warrior race” and recruited for the British military in Kenya. In modern politics, Kalonzo Musyoka, the leader of the Wiper Democratic Movement (previously the ODM), comes from a Kamba family. He also campaigned under the KADU during his earlier years in Kenyan politics.

Kisii (Bantu): The Kisii are a Bantu group that lives in South-Western Kenya and all throughout Tanzania. This is a good example of ethnic groups that connect Kenya and Tanzania. Admittedly am having difficulty learning about the Kisii, but working on it.

Meru (Bantu): A Bantu ethnic group independent of the Kikuyu, who live beside them in majority-Kikuyu areas and tend to vote along with them in elections. That said, this is more of a trend than a law: ODM politicians have won 2 seats in Meru-majority provinces. 

There are many more ethnic groups in Kenya (not even counting sub-groups) such as the Turkana, Maasi, and Cushites. Additionally, large numbers of Somali refugees and immigrants have settled in Kenya due to the nearby civil war. This post alone cannot hope to capture the diversity present in Kenya today.

To visualize Kenyan ethnic demographics, BBC Africa has provided this helpful map using data from the Kenyan Bureau of Statistics (do note that the CIA world factbook is more recent and probably has more up-to-date percentages)

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Kenya News 1/29/17-2/5/17

Time for the weekly news update!

On February 2nd, The Hague will rule on a maritime border dispute between Kenya and Somalia, and declared the controversial court case will go ahead despite Kenyan complaints that the Hague does not have jurisdiction. This area of the Indian ocean is thought to potentially contain oil and natural gas deposits- making it a hot point of concern for all regional governments.

Throughout this week, Deputy President William Ruto has had a public scandal after he was sued by his ex-wife for not paying child support. He argues that, having paid sums to his daughter and found his wife a job, he did not need to follow exact protocol for how child support his paid. This is hardly the first scandal for Ruto, who has had numerous domestic scandals as well as an International Criminal Court summons for possible involvement in election violence. 

EDIT: sources on Ruto and on The Hague

Also, edited out misinformation on the Hague case. Apologies. 

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British Colonial Policy in Kenya

This week we have focused on British and French colonial rule, claims that British Africa was decentralized and “hands off”, and the European colonial racialization of ethnic groups. Kenya was not exempt from these trends, and acts as a wonderful example in the discussions that took place.

To open: were the British “hands off”? Short answer is “No, not really”

In 1895 British placed Kenya under the East Africa Protectorate, ruled by the Sultan of Zanzibar- in 1920, they divided it between the Kenya Protectorate (still administrated by the sultan of Zanzibar) and the Kenya Colony (managed by colonial governors). 

While the nominal rulership of the sultan appeared as if it was decentralized, the registration of the protectorate and the actual management of the land was largely done by the British East Africa Company, which leased out the land from the sultan. As discussed in Mamdani’s “Citizen Subject” reading, the appearance of decentralized colonialism was more of a theoretical moral high ground than any real policy- in actuality, Europeans were absolutely meddling in local affairs. The East Africa Company was absorbed into the British government in 1895, and their interference became a state norm: they reserved land (mainly in the white highlands) for British settlers and actively encouraged settlement and colonization of land previously owned by local groups. This is the very definition of “hands on”: actively encouraging exclusive white settlement. Local chiefs were controlled strictly by the British to prevent dissent, and were not kept “away from British culture” as Crowder described. 

Now, did the British racialize the local ethnic groups like the Belgians and Germans did to the Tutsi and Hutu? I am still working to sort out the exact nature of ethnic differences in Kenya before colonization, but there are potential hints of the British using a “divide and conquer” strategy. Notably, by dividing the Kenyan interior from the Swahili coast, they could prevent political consolidation- and by installing a white colonial settler elite in the Kenyan Crown Colony. There are also hints that the British may have employed other Kikuyu against the Mau Mau/Moi Moi rebellion- a sign of divide and conquer, possibly. 

I will work to find stronger and more certain sources on Kenyan ethnic differences in pre-colonial and colonial history- but what is clear already makes Kenya an excellent case for examining British colonial rule and the contradictions contain therein.

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News January 23rd-29th

On Friday January 27th, terrorist group Al-Shabab (an Islamic extremist militant group with connections to al-Qaeda) launched an attack on a Kenyan military base in Somalia. The Kenyan military claims 50 soldiers died in the attack, along with “scores” of Al-Shabab militants. Al-Shabab claims 100 or more soldiers died in the attack. Both sides have reason to put a spin on the numbers, and as the militants took control of the area, it is difficult to do a proper body count. 

The Kenyan military has been quiet about the attack, which is not the first loss of Kenyan military installations to Al-Shabab: in 2016, the extremists attacked and took el-Ade from Kenyan and African Union peacekeeping forces. 

This attack is reflective of difficulties Kenya has faced in Somalia- Kenya, Ethiopia, and the African Union as a whole have been trying to intervene in Somalia to restore order since the United Nations authorization in 2007. While AU troops control swaths of countryside and the Mogadishu area, Somalia is still far from stable and Al-Shabab is pushing forward. 

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News January 15th-22nd

Notably a ban on Ugandan poultry and poultry products due to fears of avian flu (something of a problem due to Ugandan chickens and eggs being cheaper)

Opposition ODM party MP Mishi Mboko urged wives not to sleep with their husbands until they registered to vote. Mishi Mboko hopes to mobilize voter support for the August 2017 presidential campaign

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Kenya Overview 1

The basic periods of Kenyan history go as follows (using Falola’s “Aspects of Early African History” to designate vague milestones)

Early settlement and Bantu migration: During the Neolithic period (new stone age), large migrations took place worldwide- including the Bantu peoples, who spread across Africa. As the Bantu are a macroethnic group comprising of many smaller cultures, quite a few different ethnic groups ultimately settled across the territory now known as Kenya.

Swahili Coast city period 200′s AD - 800′s AD: Across the Eastern coast of Africa- including Kenya- urban settlements began trading with merchants from the middle east, India, and China. This connected the urban “Swahili Coast” with a global trading network. 

Arabic Controlled Swahili Coast: 800′s AD - 1895 AD: Arab merchants took control of many Swahili Coast cities and began a process of Islamic conversion and large scale international slave trading. Bantu targets are targeted in racialized slave trading. 

East Africa Protectorate (British Rule): 1895 - 1963: As the European powers advanced their imperial division of Africa, the British took formal control of the Swahili coast north of Mozambique (which was conquered and colonized by the Portuguese). Kenya was part of the Imperial administration known as the “East Africa Protectorate”. 

Independent Kenya: 1963 - Present: In the 1950′s the Moi Moi rebellion against the British army resisted British rule and while it failed it led to questions of Kenyan independence- ultimately, this successfully won independence from the commonwealth. Political instability and military coups marked early Kenyan politics, until democratic changes helped stabilize the country in the early 2000′s.

Kenya includes a variety of ethnic groups and macroethnic groups: Bantu (Kikuyu, Luhya, Kamba, Kisii, Mijikenda, and  Meru), Nilotes (Kalenjin, Luo, Turkana, and Maasi), and a small minority of Cushites

Kenya’s government employs familiar checks and balances: an executive branch is led by an elected president who is entirely divorced from the legislative branch and selects an independent cabinet. The current president is Uhuru Kenyatta of the National Alliance party.

The legislative branch is controlled by the bicameral parliament- the national assembly (whose facade is shown by this blog’s icon), and the senate. Both of these bodies are elected from the 47 counties established by the 2010 Constitution. 

The judicial branch is led by the Kenyan supreme court, whose current chief justice is Willy Mutunga

EDIT 1/29/17: posted incorrect information in regards to the Moi Moi rebellion. Corrected.

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Getting the Show on the Road

As an initial note, this blog will soon be getting better organization- tabs for specific eras of history, news, etc. For now, subjects will be divided into individual smaller posts to be tagged and labeled. 

Thank you for reading this, and hopefully this blog fulfills all the academic expectations befitting such a project.