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Sport Fans
I am going to look at the perceptions that are attached to a female fan as compared to a male fan who are into sport. Sport is something that is supposed to be supported by masculine males and when women support it, it is a problem. I will explain what is fandom and what do people in fandom communities do. There are several meanings that are attached to sport in general, but I am going to focus more on soccer and how it is something that needs one to be masculine to fit. The digital media have allowed for the fandom community to grow and share information with one another. Female and male sport fans portray different characteristics, but the online platforms allow them to be one.
People who are part of the fandom community often share the same interest and thus have their own culture. These fandom communities in sports may usually arise when people support the same team and they create their own communities (Stanfil, 2013) and building strong bonds amongst each other. In this community that they create of fans, they have common interest, and this become a platform where the members can share information amongst one another and discuss things that are related to them as fans (Stanfil, 2013). By engaging with one another they create a sense of belonging for all people who are supporters of that sports club, and at times a group of friends would sit together at home or at a bar watching a soccer match. At times people are shamed of letting people know that they are part of a certain community, hence they look for these fan pages where they know they are going to find people who have similar interests as them online (Sesek and Pusnik, 2014). The digital age has made things easier for fans because they know that they will find online communities for which they will be able to blend in very well. Thus, within the internet most things are accessible, such as a blog for that group. Others can also create secret groups online where they know that only them can be able to see their participation in that small community (Sesek and Pusnik, 2014). Sports fandoms are usually male-dominated and thus women who find themselves within this space may be subject to negative responses from males.
Sport is usually associated with males and it is very problematic on the way in which women who are into sport are being treated (Tanaka, 2004). Sports fandom is largely associated with masculine culture, and one can see sport as being gendered in that way. It has always been something ‘masculine men’ do. It should be noted that even soccer fans before were mostly males but now the narrative has changed because now women are interested in sport (Bover, 2009). Even when males may be discussing a soccer match, one is more likely to find a female not saying anything because once they try to talk more about soccer it is as if they know more about soccer which is something supposedly surprising for males. It seems they need to control their love for sport and not say it loudly because supposedly that is what men should be bragging about (Tanaka, 2004). You can even see females love for sport as they are always present when there is a soccer match, to come and support their teams (Tanaka, 2004). During half-time they usually discuss about their experiences or views of the game, and thus it should be noted that the ordinary practice of talking about soccer happens everywhere. Though one can see a slight distinction between male and female soccer fandom, for feminine it is less visualized. Men can be able to get together and play soccer together or creating supporters club whilst women prefer the private kind of involvement where they show their support as fans online (Tanaka, 2004). Female fans may be subjected to harassment from the male individuals when they are watching soccer match (Jones, 2008).
Jones (2008) conducted in-depth interviews between the years 2001 and 2006, with 38 white women and a few males, and he used a strategy called participant observation during soccer matches in England to have an understanding on female soccer fandom compared to males. He found out that there are several sexists acts that male fans portray when they are watching soccer games. The first is understood to be directed at players and telling them that they ‘play like girls’. This clearly connotes that women are seen to be less powerful than men and it implies that the players do not have the skill required or they do not have the strength to play soccer (Jones, 2008). At times they use homophobic words to refer to other players, meaning that they regard to them as being feminine, thus incorporating female traits. Most soccer fans are subject to sexist abuse on the stadium and even at the fan internet forums. There seems to be a conflict between one’s gender and the fan identities, with men being sexist fans. Many women did not want to involve themselves in soccer because most people regarded the sport to be for men (Jones, 2008). Sport is something done by male, as one can see how the masculine culture is celebrated through the aggressiveness and sexualising women cheerleaders for the male-gaze (Bover, 2009). Most women may be side-lined when they are into sport unless they incorporate the masculine characteristics and leaving behind their femininity if they want to be considered as part of the community (Bover, 2009).
Sport is regarded as one of those activities that bring people from different regions together. Sports fans are highly active and are more likely to pay close attention to their team. Because of globalization, people can become fans of teams that are beyond their borders. This also explains how during the world cup, many people all around the world were watching it even when they could not come physically. This shows the power of the digital media to break geographical barriers. Thus, these new ways of communication create more connections amongst the team’s fans (Stanfil, 2013). Online streaming of games also allows those who cannot move from one place to the other to enjoy watching their teams play. Sport fans are no longer passive, but they engage in online conversation about their teams and the issues they want addressed (Tanaka, 2004). Social media platforms have allowed the fandom community to share their experiences, photos with others and having a voice to address issues that faces them. Platforms such as Twitter also allows people to follow a certain hashtag, when there is soccer match there will be hashtag that allows the fans to tweet about the game as they are watching. Sharing becomes easier and with television being one of the powerful media where fans can watch matches (Sesek and Pusnik, 2014).
It has been shown that male and female sport fans show different characteristics because one is perceived to have to show masculine characteristics if they want to be part of the community. Most women who are interested in soccer would preferably keep quiet when there are discussions on soccer because they are lacking knowledge in it. Digital media have allowed for the fans to be able to share information, images and feel like they belong with other people with whom they share the same goals with. Sport fans even follow their teams online fan clubs and their team’s blogs to always be updated with their favourite teams. Sport fans incorporate both males and females, but their characteristics differ.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borer, I. M. (2009). Negotiating the symbols of gendered sports fandom. Social Psychology Quarterly, 72(1), 1-4.
Jones, K.W., 2008. Female fandom: Identity, sexism, and men’s professional football in England. Sociology of Sport Journal, 25(4), pp.516-537.
Sesek, L. & Pusnik, M. (2014). Reading popular literature and digital media: Reading experience, fandoms, and social networks. Anthropological Notebooks, 20(2), 103-126.
Stanfill, M. (2013). Fandom, public, commons. Transformative Works and Cultures, 14.Williams, J. (2007). Rethinking sports fandom: The case of European soccer. Leisure Studies, 26(2), 127-146
Tanaka, T., 2004. The positioning and practices of the ‘feminized fan ‘in Japanese soccer culture through the experience of the FIFA World Cup Korea/Japan 2002. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 5(1), pp.52-62.
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#FeesMustFall movement
#FeesMustFall is an anti-poverty activism in South Africa and a call for the decolonization of the educational system. I am going to firstly explain #RhodesMustFall and how it came about, as it is the one which created a spark in the #FMF movement. The digital space facilitated in the dissemination of information on social networks, mostly on Twitter. This highlight the power of the digital media and how it became a ‘voice’ to those with less power. I will then look at #FMF as an anti-poverty activism and the issues that were raised by black students within their institutions. The notion of a ‘free and decolonized education’ has different meanings attached to it by students from previously white institutions and from previously black institutions. Tuition fees is still a problem which most black students struggle with, thus it is a barrier for them to fulfil their studies.
The ongoing student movement in South Africa #FeesMustFall was propagated by #RhodesMustFall or #RMF. The #RMF campaign was organized by the students at the University of Cape Town as a demand for the statue of Cecil John Rhodes to be removed (Bosch, 2016), The removal of the statue was to eradicate the existing privileges and white supremacy in the University of Cape Town, this was supported by most students and workers (Pillay, 2016). Rhodes is believed to have made some racist statement in the past, while others highlighted his financial support in South Africa (Bosch, 2016). ‘White privilege’ is seen to be persisting even today, hence the students are fighting against those who are in power so that they can change the system in which students find themselves in (Golding-Duffy, 2017). Naicker (2016: 54) shows how “RMF linked their campaign to the struggle for black liberation in a colonial space”, thus the fall of the statue was also a symbol of the collapse of white supremacy on their campus. The #RMF campaign fuelled the #FeesMustFall movement that has spread nationwide in various Universities against the increase of fees in Higher Institutions (Bosch, 2016).
The student-led movement started in mid-October 2015, as a sign of student’s dissatisfaction with the post-apartheid democracy that is marginalizing black students (Bosch, 2016). This movement caused the whole nation to be on standstill and academic activities could not continue (Luescher et al, 2017). It started at the University of the Witwatersrand after the students exclaimed that the high fees will be unaffordable for most poor black students who come from economically disadvantaged families (Pillay, 2016), and it had a lot of underlying factors that arose, which will be discussed later. The fees at most universities are relatively high for some students to even afford, especially at the previously white institutions. This movement is a clear indication that the students are taking the politics of this country seriously and that they are willing to fight at all cost to make sure that there is transformation (Pillay, 2016). Thus, the digital space has also facilitated in the transmission of information.
The social media has facilitated in the success of #RMF campaign and #FMF movement, allowing for political activism to take place online with support from other people (Bosch, 2016). Social media allows for protest discussions to take place online, granting free-flow of information and allowing for students to speak with one voice. Discussions on #RMF became central on Social Network Sites, predominantly on Twitter where people shared their ideas and opinions regarding the removal of the statue (Bosch, 2016), which also spoke to the racial identity in that space. The tweets that had the hashtag #RMF had people who were not supporting the removal of the statue and the majority that agreed for its removal, this shows the power of public opinion (Luescher et al, 2017). Twitter allowed people to understand why the black students wanted the statue to be removed and thus speaking of white privilege and race which seemed to be one of the issues rising from the conversations that took place on Twitter (Bosch, 2016). Even the digital divide played a role as to how other people had more voice over the movement, and even those who are on social networks they are not all politically active. This shows how the marginalized group of students can be heard through the technological devices (Ngidi et al, 2016). In this digital age that we live in, social media platforms become a voice to the ‘voiceless’. Social media networks such as WhatsApp, Facebook and Twitter allowed students to mobilize protests with other students from across the country, communicate amongst each other and the broader society about the information related to the movement (Mano and Mukhongo, 2016; Pillay, 2016). Social media facilitated in sharing stories of black people and using the platform as an anti-poverty activism. Enlightening the public about the encounter of inequality and poverty that is lingering amongst black students or black communities (Ngidi et al, 2016). Supporting the movement meant that one was aware of the injustice and inequality that is within our Universities and the technological devices gave a platform to have a say in the events as they were occurring (Pillay, 2016).
Cell phones became a very powerful tool to fight against the system that seems to be against them (Ngidi et al, 2016). The SNS allowed for students to portray events as they happened and communicate about the next moves they will be taking. Luescher et al (2017: 231) theorize the movement as the ‘internet age networked student movement’ because of its prominence on social networks (Luescher et al, 2017). Students did not want to succumb to postcolonial injustices that persist even today, and the way in which status quo divide people (Pillay, 2016). The movement included people who were deprived the chance to complete their studies and fighting for the future generation that might not be able to further their studies because of the financial constraints (Ngidi et al, 2016). The online movement managed to get attention from the media and authorities in higher positions. The broadcast media shown the students as being violent misinforming the public and not emphasizing the issues that the students were fighting for such as inequality, exclusion and poverty (Ngidi et al, 2016). They highlighted the 0% fees increase as the only demand for students. After weeks of protesting, the Minister of Higher Education who made a joke regarding the hashtag that student used to mobilize, and he said ‘#StudentsMustFall’. This response by someone who is in power shows how lightly he took this movement. Poor students or those coming from low-income families shared their stories online and their aspiration for a better future so that people can understand why they are fighting for a free and decolonised education (Ngidi et al, 2016)
Some of the issues that arose from the #FeesMustFall movement was the decolonization of the system used in higher institutions of learning, changes in the racial inequalities amongst academic staff and the outsourcing of workers (Langa, 2016; Naicker, 2016). This goes back to how the youth of 1976 fought against the educational system which was discriminatory, the ‘bantu education’. This highlights how the educational system has always been a problem in South Africa, it is just different years, but the struggle is the same (Ngidi et al, 2016). Some of the messages that came through was the negation of the past events in the future of South Africa. A cry for the curriculum to be decolonized has always been one of the reasons the movement started and for it to be relatable to African people (Bosch, 2016; Naicker, 2016). Even though the student wanted a free and decolonised education, there were different views attached to it by students from various universities. In historically white institutions, they wanted change of the curriculum and that which included African history and people. Whilst in historically black institution, their understanding of a decolonised education is one where there is quality education for all (Langa, 2016). The notion of a decolonised educational system speaks directly to black people in this country and what it means to be a black person in South Africa.
Most university students come from poor backgrounds and education is their only ticket out of poverty and with the increase of fees, it becomes very hard for some to fulfil their dreams. The fees increment happens yearly, even though there are limited funding opportunities for all students, and for some it means that the cycle of poverty in their families will continue (Ngidi et al, 2016). This means that some students will not be able to get their qualifications nor finish their studies because of financial issues that remain a problem in South Africa even today. Their worry is whether they will be able to finish with their studies or not because financial security is still a problem for most black students. Even after 23 years into democracy the promise of ‘free education and a better life for all’ by the African National Congress (ANC) has not been met fully (Naicker, 2016). The government started the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) to help poor students who are unable to afford university fees, but does not fund all. Only moderately 17% gets funded and the annual income threshold of R122 000 per family to qualify (Ngidi et al, 2016). This is evident that the government does not want to implement free education for all hence their main aim is to try and help ‘some’ students from low-income backgrounds and this has fuelled more frustration on the protesting students (Golding-Duffy, 2017). The students did not want the fees to be increased, they suggest that the government have power to fund tertiary education. They feel like the government is not taking their call for ‘free education for all’ seriously, hence they still protest even today (Golding-Duffy, 2017). Some of the workers joined in and supported the students as they are also parents who understand the student’s grievances. Higher institutions exclude students who are unable to pay their fees or debt, thus creating a hindrance for their fulfilment of their studies (Ngidi et al, 2016). Those students who are in debt are not given their certificates and that means that they will not be able to find work (Langa, 2016). Majority of the students who were behind the movement are probably the first in their families to come to University (Ngidi et al, 2016). Education is a basic right for every student and should not be commodified (Langa, 2016).
The ‘1 month 1 million’ campaign was started by the Wits Student Representative Council to help support students who could not pay for their tuition fees. This campaign was started in February 2015 before the movement of #FeesMustFall started. One can see that this was a sign that there is a problem in our higher educational institutions regarding funding of students (Langa, 2016). Though they managed to raise R5 million, they exclaimed it was not enough to pay for all the outstanding student fees, but they managed to help most students. This was an alert to the whole nation that there is a problem with the fees in Universities, and this was one of their ways of protesting against high tuition fees (Langa, 2016: 133). This campaign was later followed by the #RMF and the #TransformWits, which became racialised movements. #RMF was for the removal of the statue and #TransformWits highlighted the need to have an Afrocentric curriculum meaning a transformation of the curriculum, renaming buildings, having more black academics and helping disadvantaged students (Langa, 2016; Naicker, 2016). To get a full understanding of why the students led movement originally started one must look at “the ways in which race and class privilege have been reified in the post-apartheid era” (Naicker, 2016: 55).
The #RMF campaign was a call for the removal of the statue which represented colonial history and white supremacy at the University of Cape Town. The success of the campaign can be said to have been aided by the social media, especially Twitter because that is where the campaign gained its prominence. This shows the power of the digital media in mobilizing people from different places. #FMF is the largest student movement in post-apartheid South Africa which later followed the #RMF. Students were mainly fighting for fees to not be increased for the following year but there were several underlying factors that arose from the movement which went beyond the issue of fees. The issues that arose was to have a free and decolonized education, and create a space in Universities where even Black people could feel like they belong. The access to education for all is to make sure that the poor students can study.
Bibliography
Bosch, T. 2016. ‘Twitter activism and youth of South Africa: the case of #RhodesMustFall’. Information, Communication & Society, published online 16 March, 1-12.
Golding-Duffy, I. 2017. # FeesMustFall. St Andrews Africa Summit Review, 1.
Langa, M. 2016. #Hashtag- An analysis of the #FeesMustFall Movement at South African universities. Online, retrieved 31 October 2017: https://csvr.org.za
Luescher, T., Loader, L. and Mugume, T. 2017. # FeesMustFall: an internet-age student movement in South Africa and the case of the University of the Free State. Politikon, 44(2), 231-245.
Mano, W. and Mukhongo, L. L. 2016. ‘Towards alternative media as critical media in Africa’. Journal of Alternative and Community Media.1: 27-29
Naicker, C. 2016. From Marikana to #feesmustfall: The Praxis of popular politics in South Africa. Urbanisation, 1(1), 53-61.
Ngidi, N.D., Mtshixa, C., Diga, K., Mbarathi, N. and May, J. 2016, June. 'Asijiki' and the capacity to aspire through social media: the #feesmustfall movement as an anti-poverty activism in South Africa. In Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference on Information and Communication Technologies and Development, 15. ACM.
Pillay, S.R. 2016. Silence is violence:(critical) psychology in an era of Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall.
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Trevor Noah on the issue of women taking selfie
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Selfies as self-presentation of women
In this post I am going to explain the importance of selfies in self-presentation of women in general. I am going to firstly define what a selfie is and the way in which people can portray themselves in different ways. I will then outline the way in which social networks allows for the understanding of what beauty is to women and how they portray that through sharing photos with others. I am going to use Goffman’s theory of self-presentation to explain how individuals compare themselves with others and try to create a positive image. Beauty apps that have been introduced also allows women to show their edited beauty online. Finally, I will explain how post-feminists take control of their own bodies. Selfies influence the way in which women understand themselves and get to know their own bodies well
A selfie is thus understood as a picture an individual takes of him/herself (Tifentale and Manovich, 2015; Frosh, 2015). It can also be defined as a self-portrait taken with a webcam or smartphone and disseminated on Social Network Sites(SNS) (Iqani and Schroeder, 2016). Selfies are usually taken at an arm’s stretch or with a selfie-stick, documenting moments that the user want to remember (Hess, 2015). Frosh (2015, 1611) explains the selfie as “the culmination and also the incarnation of a gesture of mediation”. They often claim attention and requires immediate gaze, which may also serve as a visual diary to some (Iqani and Schroeder, 2016). ‘Publicised privacy’ explains how the private environment is now being shown to the world through a selfie, therefore representing oneself the way they want. Selfies are a form of self-expression where there are no boundaries between the private and public moments, because its creators share on social media (Hess, 2015).
Selfies are shared mostly by young people on SNS, this shows their commonality within this space. Any individual who has a smartphone and connected to social media is thus able to post their selfies online. Twitter, Instagram, Tumblr and Facebook facilitate in the distribution of selfies (Murray, 2015; Tifentale and Manovich, 2015) with other people regardless of demography (Frosh, 2015). Before smartphones, other people were the ones taking pictures of people using cameras, but now the nature of the media have been changed and individuals have the power to control how their pictures comes about. The front-camera function on smartphones give its users more flexibility of sharing ‘selfies’ in a media which has commodified ‘selfies (Mascheroni et al, 2015). It can also be seen how social networks have largely facilitated in the understanding of young girls idealized view of beauty (Chua and Chang, 2016). This is a platform where people learn how to conform to the standards of beauty and thus self-presentation become the central point of influences from one’s mates. In a study done by Chua and Chang (2016) of 12-14 years secondary school girls in Singapore and their usage of posting their selfies on Instagram. It is evident that they judge themselves based on how their peers look and the kind of images they post on Instagram. They equated likes with being appreciated by their peers and to show its importance, one girl highlighted that she was using an app that generates likes (Chua and Chang, 2016). In this way self-presentation becomes important for an individual.
Goffman’s theory of self-presentation explains how an individual will construct their behaviour or themselves based on how they want others to see them by trying to make a good perception (Mascheroni et al, 2015). Selfies are being used as a symbol of free will and overseeing oneself. Thus, people in social interactions engage with one another to understand the other individual. Self-presentation allows people to present themselves the way they wold like to be seen by other people. People self-evaluate themselves by judging against their peers and what they see on the media as the perceived ideal beauty females should adapt to (Chua and Chang, 2016). Being accepted by one’s peers seems to play a very vital role in the way they present themselves as their offline lives also say something about who they are or aspire to be like (Mascheroni et al, 2015). This shows that the society we live in, especially the SNS facilitate in how we understand beauty and how one may turn into being dissatisfied with the way they look (Chua and Chang, 2016). At times girls they fear being marginalised as thus they conform to the beauty standards being set by the media, and posting their best pictures online. Hence in most cases when they are accepted their self-esteem improves (Seidman, 2013).
Creating a good image to the public seems like a priority to young teenage girls and needing validation from other people as to whether they are pretty or not (Chua and Chang, 2016). Through sharing selfies and finding a sense of belonging within the digital space allows for women to appreciate themselves even more (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). Sharing selfies on SNS also paves way for one to experiment with their bodies, or rather to re-create their body-image and to show the world that there are different ways of being oneself. An individual is more likely to get more followers when they disclose more about them and they are mostly the ones who are in control of their own bodies and posts (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). The unattainable images of what beauty is, have led to more girls creating blogs where they display themselves as a way for the public to accept them as they are. Creating a positive body outlook and not the one imposed by the media on them, and used to increase the notion of femininity (Murray, 2015). This is a platform where people feel belongingness and create self-presentation based on how they are being received by their peers and most importantly allowing others to learn more about their lives (Seidman, 2013; Gabriel, 2014). Sharing selfies allows for the construction of identities and belonging to the SNS community (Tifentale and Manovich, 2015). Beauty apps have allowed young women to present themselves in an idealised manner, and that the media facilitates in the perception of beauty.
These photo-editing software’s allow one to look perfect and eliminate any blemishes on the skin, make an individuals skin to look clearer and use some effects on the picture thus getting the flawless view of themselves (Rettberg, 2014). Edited photos seem to enhance the confidence of people with low self-esteem on Instagram and Facebook (Chua and Chang, 2016). Selfies present the idea of ‘authenticity’, even though they are staged performances where one must look for the perfect angle, framing, clothing, background or lighting to take out the best selfie or present ourselves in certain way (Hess, 2015). One of the apps that distort our visual representation is an app called ‘SkinneePix’ which makes people look skinnier than they are and allowing people shape how they are seen online (Rettberg, 2014). Snapchat allows women to appear in a playful interaction, thus eliminating the ‘perfect’ connotation by the media culture (Iqani and Schroeder, 2016). While some women may strive always to conform to the standards many, reject those standards and try to create their own (Mascheroni et al, 2015).
Post-feminism can be understood as the notion of representation, in relation to how women have taken control over their bodies and changed the public perception of them (Murray, 2015). Another platform which has allowed for the power and control elicited by women through taking selfies is NSFW (Not Safe For Work) Tumblr blogs (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). Women post sexy selfies as a way of owning their bodies and creating the body-image that best suits them unlike when they are being photographed by other people. Popular culture has always shown us the images of ‘slim’ girls which supposedly all women should imitate. But by these Tumblr blogs, women reclaim their own bodies by showing an understanding of who they are, refusing to abide by the social standards of beauty (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). This allows for women of all body shapes or sizes to share their selfies knowing very well that there are no boundaries, and thus building their esteem of appreciating themselves as they are.
When women own their bodies, it allows the public to accept them and change their views on what they think is photographable or appealing to them (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). Selfies is a way of women to be in control of their bodies, even in a sexual way but not made for the male gaze. It highlights women controlling their own space and taking pictures the way they want without being subjected by the male-dominated media culture’s fascination over them (Murray, 2015). They are also a way for women to reclaim power in their own space and control how their identity gets shaped in this space (Tiidenberg and Gómez Cruz, 2015). The hijab selfie also trended as a way for Muslim women to make people accept them without oppressing them when they choose to wear their niqab or hijab (Iqani and Schroeder, 2016). They are reclaiming the space and their headscarf to alert the public that they are proud of it and not ashamed to be Muslim women. It is a form of self-expression that is at the present, and created to be shared to other people.
A selfie is a picture taken by a person, at an arm’s lengths and using a smartphone, they are usually disseminated by young people. This draw attention to how SNS have become a form of self-expression that young people use to communicate with their peers. Goffman’s theory of self-presentation also talks about how peer-comparison influences a person. Self-presentation is important to most women, hence the NSFW (Not Safe For Work) Tumblr blogs allows women to have control over their own bodies. Another example is of Muslim women reclaiming their identity in a space where they are oppressed because of their headscarf’s and people’s perception of how Muslim women are like. Post feminism is evident in this digital age where power and control lie in the hands of women and not in the media.
Bibliography
Chua, T.H.H. and Chang, L., 2016. Follow me and like my beautiful selfies: Singapore teenage girls’ engagement in self-presentation and peer comparison on social media. Computers in Human Behavior, 55, pp.190-197.
Frosh, P., 2015. Selfies| The gestural image: The selfie, photography theory, and kinesthetic sociability. International journal of communication, 9, p.22.
Gabriel, F., 2014. Sexting, selfies and self-harm: young people, social media and the performance of self-development. Media International Australia, 151(1), pp.104-112.
Hess, A., 2015. Selfies| The selfie assemblage. International journal of communication, 9, p.18.
Iqani, M. and Schroeder, J.E., 2016. # selfie: digital self-portraits as commodity form and consumption practice. Consumption Markets & Culture, 19(5), pp.405-415.
Mascheroni, G., Vincent, J. and Jimenez, E., 2015. “Girls are addicted to likes so they post semi-naked selfies”: Peer mediation, normativity and the construction of identity online. Cyberpsychology: Journal of Psychosocial Research on Cyberspace, 9(1).
Murray, D.C., 2015. Notes to self: the visual culture of selfies in the age of social media. Consumption Markets & Culture, 18(6), pp.490-516.
Rettberg, J.W., 2014. Seeing ourselves through technology: How we use selfies, blogs and wearable devices to see and shape ourselves.
Seidman, G., 2013. Self-presentation and belonging on Facebook: How personality influences social media use and motivations. Personality and Individual Differences, 54(3), pp.402-407.
Tiidenberg, K. and Gómez Cruz, E., 2015. Selfies, image and the re-making of the body. Body & society, 21(4), pp.77-102.
Tifentale, A. and Manovich, L., 2015. Selfiecity: Exploring photography and self-fashioning in social media. In Postdigital Aesthetics (pp. 109-122). Palgrave Macmillan UK.
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Selfies as self-presentation
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