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Some social aspects females who join gangs come from family that is poor, females who are in search for their identity and females who are looking for the social interactions. They join a gang to look for a family that they never had or lost. That’s why they refer to some of the other gang members as sisters or brothers and the gang as a family. Loyalty is very important in the gang association that’s why creating the family kind of bond is important.

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40 elephants

Women aren’t new to gang’s women have been apart of gangs since the 1800’s. Actually, one of the many women gang’s in the 1800’s was the Forty Elephants. They were an all women gang in London. The Forty Elephants also known as A.K.A Forty Thieves was best known for shoplifting. One of their tactics were all the gang members rushed in all entrances, and grabbed any merchandise they could. When done they fled the store and went in different directions. There was no way the police can catch all of them so every time they robbed the store they were successful. The gang was active until the 1950’s. As the women became to old to keep going new younger recruits came in and took the older women places.  Women from the lower class mainly joined this gang. The gang was led by a woman named the “Queen”, she was the one who responsible for planning out all the crimes. The gang eventually branched out into doing other crimes. Such as being gold diggers then later blackmail the men to get more funds. They will falsify resumes of servants to get into wealthy people homes to later rob the families. They will bring back all the thing they stole back to their “Queen” to later pawn it or for distribution. When the women will get caught they will use fund they had reserved to bail them out. Police described them as the most “cleverest thieves” they would plunder thousands of pounds worth of goods in a single swoop.

Queen of the elephant gang

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In comparison to male gangs

Female gangs are different, in some respects, to male gangs. The female group usually comes into existence after the male gang has been established and often takes a feminized version of the male name (Campbell 177). Leadership is very different in female gangs. For instance, "leadership is usually more diffuse than in boys groups. Typically, the members insist there is no leader and that decisions are made democratically. Observation suggests that some girls clearly have more clout than others, but that this usually is not formalized as a leadership role" (Cambell177-178).

On the other hand, male and female gangs also have some similarities. For example, similar to male gangs, some female gangs require a, "formal initiation ceremony... which usually takes the form of a prearranged fistfight between the prospect and an established member. The function of this 'jumping in' is to prove publicly the new girl's ability to fight... she must demonstrate her 'heart' or courage" (Campbell 178).

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Maria Jimenez

She was part of the hit squad for Mexico’s drug cartel “Las Zetas”. She admitted to over 20 murders from opposing cartels and federal police.

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“La Tosca”

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Sandra Avila Beltran

“Queen of the South”

One of the few women to rise to a high position of power within Mexican cartel. A link between Mexican and Columbian cartels. Married twice, both police officers died miserably, killed by murdered assassins. Denied charges and got a plea deal. Accepted a luxurious prison sentence where she was able to get Botox behind bars.

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“Kim Kardashian” of crimes

Head of the drug trafficking hit squad “Los Antrax” a Mexican gang whose assigns are the most feared in the world. Known from living a luxurious life and posting provocative photos on social media showing off her gun collection.

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'Being raped by a gang is normal – it's about craving to be accepted'

A female former gang member has exposed the growing levels of sexual violence against young women who join them, saying that many are willing to risk being raped in return for the status of membership. Isha Nembhard, who was part of an 80-strong gang in Peckham, south London, said some girls readily accepted that they would be sexually abused when associating with male gangs. The 20-year-old said that the problem had reached a point where being raped was becoming “normalised” among many young women. “Girls who are getting treated very badly know what they are getting into. They sleep with a boy and the boy asks if she will sleep with all his friends. "It’s about low self-esteem and a craving for attention. Even if they know it’s wrong, they will do anything to get acceptance,” she said.

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“A lot of girls are sort of prostituting themselves to have sexual relationships within a gang and get treated in a bad way. For example, she might know about what happens to girls in the gang but still sleeps with all of them just for the status.” Nembhard, who was a teenage drug dealer, said that even those who are abused and called “pieces of shit” by gang members maintained sexual relationships with them because they felt “that they couldn’t do better”. She added that cultural and social trends had exacerbated the problem since she left school. “When I was growing up, girls were more boisterous. I used to be a tomboy, but nowadays a lot of girls who go to school are more girly-girly and make sure they put on their makeup and wear the right sort of skirts. It’s changed dramatically.” Nembhard said that girls tended to be more sexually active before the age of 16 than before. “In my day it wasn’t like that,” she said. Advertisement

Social networking sites like Facebook had, she added, helped to encourage promiscuity among young women. “You’ve got young girls exposing themselves on there, making it normal, and so others follow suit.” Earlier this month the home secretary, Theresa May, announced £1.2m of new money over three years to tackle the issue as part of the government’s revamped anti-gangs strategy. Meanwhile, a senior Scotland Yard officer has voiced concern that the problem of young women being sexually abused by male gangs had grown sufficiently large to be classified as a “mainstream issue”. The Metropolitan Police detective in charge of protecting vulnerable young women from falling into gang culture, Detective Chief Inspector Petrina Cribb, said that, although police were targeting girls as young as 12 to warn them of the risks associated with male gangs, she believed that educating youngsters of the dangers should begin even earlier, at primary school. Cribb also admitted concern about the levels of ignorance among young women about sexual abuse, saying that many did not understand that being forced to give oral sex was rape. Cribb, who manages the Met’s Heart programme, which educates young people about the risks associated with joining gangs, added: “A lot of young people do not know what is the law, particularly with regard to being coerced into oral sex, which is rape, but some think it is just playing around. "Young girls find that they may have no choice – a young girl who is surrounded by a group of boys might feel it’s normal to go along with it.” Former girl gang members say that despite being aware of the risks many girls with low self-esteem are willing to risk being raped by entire gangs to increase their “status”.

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Historia de las mujeres en pandillas

La participación femenina en las pandillas no es un fenómeno nuevo. De hecho, "las niñas han sido parte de las pandillas desde los primeros relatos de Nueva York a principios del siglo XIX" (Campbell 166). Sin embargo, a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, la actividad de las pandillas ha experimentado el mayor aumento en la participación, especialmente en comparación con los niños. Por ejemplo, un estudio encontró que hubo un "aumento del 50 por ciento en crímenes graves por parte de adolescentes entre 1968 y 1974, en comparación con un aumento del 10 por ciento para niños" (sitio web de CASA). Además, las detenciones de niñas menores de 18 años por delitos violentos aumentaron 393 por ciento entre 1960 y 1978, en comparación con 82 por ciento para niños "(sitio web de CASA). Además, en comparación con 1950," las pandillas juveniles de los años 1980 y 1990 son más numerosas, más prevaleciente y más violenta que en la década de 1950, probablemente más que en cualquier otro momento de la historia del país "(Miller 263). Ahora que la participación femenina en las pandillas y la violencia aparentemente está en aumento, y tal actividad se ha vuelto cada vez más violenta, es importante mirar la investigación actual que examina este problema y los métodos de prevención.

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Mexican Stereotype

#NotGangsters #Early2000s #Stereotypes #Culture

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History of Women in Gang

Female participation in gangs is not a new phenomenon. In fact, "girls have been a part of gangs since the earliest accounts from New York in the early 1800s" (Campbell 166). However, throughout the latter half of the twentieth century, female gang activity has seen the sharpest increase in participation, especially in comparison to boys. For example, a study found that there had been a, "50 percent increase in serious crimes by teenage gins between 1968 and 1974, compared to a 10 percent increase for boys" (CASA Website). In addition, arrests of girls under 18 for violent crimes rose 393 percent between 1960 and 1978, compared to 82 percent for boys" (CASA Website). Also, compared to 1950, "youth gangs of the 1980's and 1990's are more numerous, more prevalent, and more violent than in the 1950's, probably more than at any time in the country's history" (Miller 263). Now that female participation in gangs and violence is apparently on the rise, and such activity has become increasingly violent, it is important to look at current research that examines this problem and methods of prevention.

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Latina Stereotypes and Gender Roles

 Prevailing beliefs about Latinos are grounded in the traditional gender scripts of machismo and marianismo (Faulkner, 2003). Consistent with machismo, Latino men have historically been stereotyped as "hot blooded, passionate, and prone to emotional outbursts" (Rivera, 1994, 240). These so-called "macho" men dominate their wives, engage in extramarital sex and rule the household with an iron fist. In contrast, "good" Latina women live their lives in accordance with marianismo, which dictates that women should be virginal until marriage, engage in sexual intercourse only for procreation, be subservient to their male partners and highly value motherhood (Galanti, 2003). Latinas who fail to live up to this "good girl" expectation are thought of as sexually promiscuous "whores" who are often pregnant and unwed.

The gender role expectations of machismo and marianismo are problematic social constructions, which result in the stereotyping of Latinos in the media, in social science literature and in institutional settings. The danger is those working with Latinos tend to treat them as if these notions are explanatory across all groups, despite the fact that these gender role expectations are not unique to Latinos. Moreover, they vary across ethnic groups, social classes, age cohorts, time periods and acculturation levels (Rivera, 1994; Juarez and Kerl, 2003; Fuller and Garcia Coll, 2010). For Latinos, the problem is compounded because these representations are often presented in a negative light and used to explain "social problems" such as teen pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections and interpersonal violence from a cultural deficit perspective. Furthermore, when the dominant group perceives that Latinos are unfairly accessing or competing for limited resources, these stereotypes become even more negative (Berg, 2002).

The tendency to stereotype Latinas is prevalent in the media. When Latinas are in movies, on the news or in music videos, they are usually presented as either hypersexualized "hoochie mamas," exotic bombshells, gang members, domestic workers or teen mothers (Barrera, 2002; Beltran, 2002; Guzmán and Valdivia, 2004; Medible, 2007; Hernández, 2009; Vargas, 2010). Although we have seen more positive representations of Latinas in recent years, most representations continue to categorize Latina women as the "Other" by relegating them to flat, stereotypical images that emphasize sameness and minimize agency and variety (Berg, 2002). These images can take on an even more sinister tone when the dominant group perceives the "Other" as a threat. For example, motherhood is usually thought of as a virtue in mainstream US culture; however, this sentiment is not always extended to many adult Latinas who are often accused of wanting children primarily to obtain coveted goods such as access to social services, welfare and US citizenship (Chavez, 2004). News stories about immigrant women and "anchor babies" serve to further marginalize Latina women by presenting them as conniving criminals who use trickery to obtain citizenship for their babies as opposed to people who have migrated to the United States for a "complex set of historical, political, and economic reasons, some of which involved US business interests" (Berg, 2002, 22).

Stereotypes have real-world implications for Latinas because assumptions about cultural/racial groups often serve as the linchpin for institutional racism. This is especially true in youth settings such as schools and juvenile correctional facilities when people who work with Latinas over rely on stereotypes to inform their practice (Bettie, 2000; Bond-Maupin et al , 2002; Gaarder et al , 2004; Rolón-Dow, 2004; Schaffner, 2008). The inherent problem in institutional racism is that it can be largely invisible to youth workers (for example, clinical staff, juvenile probation officers) who are often not fully aware of how certain institutional practices unfairly impact racial and ethnic minorities. These same people, despite their well-intentioned efforts, may also be guilty of unintentionally discriminating against young people of color when they over rely on racial and gender stereotypes to inform their decisions and practice (see Sue et al , 2007).

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mexican woman killed during a drug cartel

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Estadística

1. ¿CUÁNTAS PANDILLAS Y MIEMBROS DE PANDILLAS EN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS? 24,500 pandillas en los Estados Unidos (artículo 4 en la parte inferior de la página). 750,000 miembros de pandillas en 2000 y 2007 (ver artículos 4 y 6) Un millón de pandilleros en 2009 (ver artículos 1 y 2, al final de la página)

 2. ¿QUÉ VIEJOS SON LOS MIEMBROS DE LA PANDILLA? El 40% son menores de edad (menores de 18 años) y el 60% son adultos, o alrededor de 400,000 pandilleros adolescentes y 600,000 pandilleros adultos.

 3. ¿CUANTOS MACHOS Y HOMBRES ESTÁN EN PANDILLAS? Entre el 90% y el 94% de los miembros de pandillas son hombres. Entre el 6% y el 10% son mujeres. Hay aproximadamente 360,000 adolescentes y 32,000 adolescentes en pandillas Hay aproximadamente 560,000 hombres adultos y 48,000 mujeres adultas en pandillas