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China should go into North Korea.

Donald J. Trump

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3

The number of times Donald Trump named China as the possible agent of the DNC information leak within two minutes. Reckless. 

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The Fed is being more political than Secretary Clinton.

Donald J. Trump

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On Donald and China

They are taking our jobs, and that is not equitable. Donald Trump’s China rhetoric almost always follows this basic format. Blame China, implicate the President and American corporations in a conspiracy to ship jobs overseas. In the most rudimentary sense, Mr. Trump talks populist. But, as a businessman with long-term financial interests and business relationships rooted in China, and as a capitalist, Donald perceives the China Question as being one of competition. In primary debate showings and at various campaign rallies since he announced his candidacy, Trump has hinted at a punitive tariff on Chinese imports, a policy that reeks of 20th century American isolationism and world-policing, yet rings hollow when checked for any semblance of moralism. Trump is a competitor, and when China outperforms American in manufacturing, employment and overall profit, China must be silenced. At its core, Trump’s message on China serves not to paint the candidate as the flag bearing infantry for the American working class, but as a vengeful contender for precious cash. Does Trump care about the Midwest manufacturing jobs he claims China stole from hardworking Americans? Probably. But the question must be asked: What is more important to Mr. Trump? His money? Or that of a nameless mass of workers? The answer is his. Trump’s policy on China is boardroom talk on an international, carte blanche scale. 

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Our jobs are fleeing the country...you look at what China is doing to our country...they're using our country as a piggybank to rebuild China...so we're losing our jobs.

Donald J. Trump 

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The Presidential Debate - Live Insights

Tonight, as Donald Trump faces off against Hillary Clinton, I will be posting live updates on the candidates’ and moderator’s China-related topics, comments and questions. 

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The purpose is still to brainwash

Zhang Lifan, a Beijing historian, on the phone with The New York Times, referring to CCP political strategy for China’s “softening” youth.

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President Xi seems to be positioning himself on the United State’s presidential plane, tilting the title’s plank heavily, however, on his own end; China critics have expressed increasing worry regarding Xi’s growing cult of personality, one that all Chairmen since Deng Xiaoping have either strategically avoided to prop-up Opening and Reform policy and attract positive press from Western media (and Western cash), or simply failed to inspire.  Xi, to his chagrin, is affectionately referred to as “Xi Dada,” something along the lines of “Papa Xi” or “Uncle Xi” by many young Chinese who tout his enviable marriage with elegant crooner Peng Liyuan, and his even-handed, soft-power policies; among them, an ongoing campaign to root-out corruption from the Party ranks; as the traits of a beloved leader.  But, perhaps due to the declining growth rate of the Chinese economy , or the heightening of tensions in the South China Sea, the prestigious precedent of unyielding nationalism and military might that was the 70th Anniversary of the Second World War parade--whatever the potion’s ingredients may be--Xi has seemingly moved toward assertiveness when it comes to foreign policy, territorial consolidation and other matters groveled about by the GOP.  President Obama is the Commander in Chief, or, that is, it’s a title he owns, albeit for a couple of months longer, so why can’t President Xi be one, too? 

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Emperor-turned-gardener Puyi at Beijing, 1961. Puyi had been ousted along with the entire Qing regime in 1911, then set-up as Japanese Manchukuo’s puppet leader, before finally returning to his former imperial city, where he ultimately chose the peaceful life of a gardener at the city’s botanical gardens. Here he is shown in a Zhongshan suit, one of the most recognizable symbols of the all-encompassing nature of Mao’s communist national policy.  

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据香港南华早报 J. Michael Cole 记者所写，北京官僚对蔡英文总理大胜利的反应显示大陆政府的目的还是保持目前的大陆与台湾关系的平稳，也不暗示”惩罚”台湾的计划或目的。

According to South China Early Morning Post’s J. Michael Cole, Beijing bureaucrats’ mentions of recently-elected, Cornell-educated Taiwan president Cai Yingwen do not suggest any PRC ambition to “punish” or censure Taiwan’s naming of a non-mainstream leader, and perhaps hint at a milder agenda: to preserve stability across the Straits as international tensions over jurisdiction and militarization in the South China Sea ramp up. 

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“1967年2月10日，在北京游行的红卫兵。他们抬着一幅毛泽东像，还举着显示他们属于哪些学联的旗帜。”

－纽约时报 

Copyright 2013 The New York Times Company, Photo Copyright A.P. 

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In Ningxia, Li Keqiang names “poverty reduction” as a critical step to CCP-brand modernity, the most recent of a litany of criteria to bailout the struggling Chinese economy organically, with minimal government regulation. In Ningxia, like much of the Chinese interior, “traditional industries” could be rendered more efficient by updated methods, modern technology, and innovation, Li attests. Ultimately Premier Li Keqiang seems to suggest the CCP is at least officially interested in bolstering smaller, regionalized industries, and hopes that entrepreneurship will deliver the nation in the long-term. 

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A watershed moment that could promise greater equity for the vast “urban migrant” masses, who amount to approximately 20% of the Chinese population . . . Premier Li Keqiang mentions “orderly integration,” but does not divulge specifics. In recent years, as a cause of (and contributor to) urban China’s meteoric rise to infrastructural modernity, rural, generally unskilled workers, have migrated en masse to Bei-Shang-Guang-Shen (Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen), but found their welfare in the cities they helped build minimally better than at home, mostly because of the restrictive, region-specific hukou system, which inhibits fluid migration for many hopeful urbanites and urban workers. 

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华连 hualink

hualink is a to-the-minute China correspondent, written just for you. Whether you are a China scholar, a weary investor or a Taiwanese, hualink is your courier of insightful takes on the Middle Kingdom’s hectic daily goings-on. I invite you to peer into a state as vast as ours, whose every event craters--and builds upon--its evolving structure.