craftercat

[craftercat]

Tuoba Gui was born on this day in 371.

14 years, 6 months and 16 days later he became King of Dai, and soon changed Dai to Wei.

That was the start of Northern Wei.

[craftercat]

Happy death anniversary to Tuoba Huang. Even if I'm not his biggest fan, I do appreciate his land reform.

[craftercat]

Some conspiracy theorist: Tuoba Gui was actually 41 when he founded Northern Wei, not 14.

Also this person: The tribes didn't support Tuoba Gui because he was still young, he was still immature and he was too dependent on the Helan tribe to marry Consort Liu.

Was this written by someone having a midlife crisis? Because if you're going to change Tuoba Gui's age, you have to find a different reason people would hesitate than "he's too young". Otherwise he just ends up looking like an overgrown man-child who is treated like a teenager, and that Tuoba Gui would never have built an empire.

[craftercat]

Tuoba Tao, second lunar month, 431: 今四方順軌，兵革漸寧，宜寬徭賦，與民休息。 Tuoba Tao, sixth lunar month, 431: 撫軍大將軍、永昌王健，司空、汝陰公長孫道生，侍中古弼，督諸軍討和龍。芟其禾稼。徙民而還。

Tuoba Tao, sixth lunar month, 435: 頃者寇逆消除，方表漸晏，思崇政化，敷洪治道，是以屢詔有司，班宣恩惠，綏理百揆。 Tuoba Tao, not even a month later: 詔驃騎大將軍、樂平王丕等五將率騎四萬東伐文通。

Tuoba Tao sure likes to claim he wants to rest and focus on administration while planning his next conquest.

[craftercat]

I don't believe in human rights anymore because if human rights existed, then Palestinians who are livestreaming their genocide would have been helped. Someone would have stopped this. But no one is doing anything. The whole idea of human rights was so this level of depravity wouldnt happen again and again. But it does. There is no such thing as human rights because the most disenfranchised would not be suffering right now. The framework almost always used to benefit the perpetrators of the most horrendous acts while the ones who suffer must appeal to powerful people's humanity which is nonexistent. Most of the world we live in is a farce and people who argue to keep intact this farcical array of systems and ideologies are my enemy.

[craftercat]

Why does Tuoba Gui's origin story sound like it belongs to a main character in a fiction book or someone's OC? His father died before he was even born, his home kingdom was conquered by a foreign power when he was 5-6, said foreign power raised him to a puppet, he escaped an assassination attempt at barely 14, and was still 14 years old when he founded/restored Northern Wei.

[craftercat]

Not a fan of the new likes/reblog/comment option format.

[craftercat]

Northern Wei Part 14: Rebellion, Famine and Cui Hao

In the previous article, we discussed Tuoba Si's measures to ensure stability in his early years and also looked at the evolution of his administration and justice system throughout his reign. This article will look at the problems facing Tuoba Si in 415 and on the increasing influence of Cui Hao from this period onwards.

THE INFLUENCE OF CUI HAO

Cui Hao was the son of Cui Hong, who featured in last article and in Article 12. He served as a low-rank official secretary under Tuoba Gui, where he along with his father was one of the few officials never to receive punishment from Tuoba Gui, which is attributed to his respect and diligence in serving the emperor (WS035).

When Tuoba Si came to the throne, he honoured Cui Hao as chief scholar of the Imperial Academy and gave him his own title (WS035). Cui Hao's position as leader of the Imperial Academy [1] essentially made him leader of the Imperial Academy faction which came to become important later on. One thing to know about Tuoba Si is that he was very interested in Han literature and history (in both WS035 and WS003), and he often had his ministers teach him the classics. Cui Hao served as one of these ministers, making him essentially Tuoba Si's tutor (WS035).

Tuoba Si was also interested in divination and mysticism, so he ordered Cui Hao teach him the Book of Changes and Great Plan, and he was impressed with Cui Hao's ability, so he ordered Cui Hao to make predictions for him. (WS035) Cui Hao's predictions were often correct, so he was deeply favoured by Tuoba Si and participated in all major military and state decisions.

The first time that we see Cui Hao exert influence over state decisions would be in the handling of the 415 crisis. During 415, Tuoba Si did not have an easy time - he had to deal with a famine in the capital region and a major rebellion. However, by 416, both issues would be resolved, and the main threat to Northern Wei became external rather than internal.

THE REBELLION

We'll start with the rebellion, since that comes up the earliest. The start of the rebellion came in 414, when someone named Sima Shunzai declared himself King of Jin [2] (WS002). Given this man's last name and the small scale of this rebellion, it seems more likely that Sima Shunzai was seeking an opportunity rather than being an actual popular leader. In fact, the rebellion was considered so minor that it was mostly left to the officials to deal with and Tuoba Si's central government did not need to involve themselves.

However, before Sima Shunzai could be captured, there would be a further development that would make this rebellion much more serious. In early 415, a large band of refugees, tens of thousands of households, submitted to Northern Wei (WS002). These refugees were from the west of the Yellow River, so were coming from Xia territory.

When these households arrived in Northern Wei, however, they declared a rebellion in Shangdang Commandery in Bing province, and Sima Shunzai joined this group (WS002). It appears that the earlier refugee group were the rebel group, as Gongsun Biao's biography indicates this was a refugee rebellion (WS033), and a passage in Cui Hong's suggests the rebels were tens of thousands of families, the same number that submitted from that group (Cui Hong's biography says they were from Bing province, but by that point they were in Bing province for more than a year so there could be easy confusion) (WS024).

Why they rebelled so soon after entering Northern Wei isn't exactly clear. They are described as "starving" (WS002) so perhaps they were motivated by food, with Shangdang Commandery being unable to feed so many extra people as the harvests in Northern Wei at this time weren't very good. Maybe they never had good intentions when they entered. It's impossible to know the exact reasons, like with most rebels in Northern Wei.

This escalation did prompt a military response from Tuoba Si, who sent five generals led by Gongsun Biao to quell the rebellion (WS002). After this, the rebellion took a surprising turn of events; the rebels started fighting amongst themselves, replacing their leader and engaging in internal disputes (WS033). Tuoba Si had told Gongsun Biao to wait and organise a joint attack with Later Qin forces in Luoyang in order to encircle the rebels and overwhelm them, especially with such a large rebellion (WS033).

I think this was a strategically sound plan, but Gongsun Biao, seeing the infighting within the rebel forces, decided not to follow it and to launch an attack without Later Qin (WS033). However, the records state that "commands were disorderly" indicating that Gongsun Biao's forces were poorly prepared and/or organised for the attack, and they were defeated by the rebels (WS033). Many of the soldiers were injured or killed, and Tuoba Si would resent Gongsun Biao for this, and I think that he was lucky not to be punished for this. This will be important later.

A new government response would not happen until a year after the original defeat, perhaps because Tuoba Si was hoping that the original army would get its act together and deal with the rebel force. The rebel force remained several tens of thousands of families strong and was limited to Shangdang and Henei commanderies. This indicates that while a large rebellion, it was still more of a local threat rather than a national emergency, and that even if they were able to get Xiongnu support from Shangdang, the rebels lacked strong popular support.

By autumn 416, however, it was clearly that the original army wouldn't be able to defeat the rebels without reinforcement. But Tuoba Si was still worried about sending reinforcements because by then it was harvest season and Tuoba Si was concerned that conscription would affect the harvest, especially since this was the year after the 415 famine (WS024). Cui Hong proposed a different solution - that Tuoba Si should send Yizhan Jian to supervise the army, since Yizhan Jian was earlier governor of Bing province and therefore was known and feared by the Xiongnu (WS024).

Tuoba Si accepted this suggestion, and he sent Yizhan Jian to supervise the army. This worked, and Yizhan Jian inflicted a major defeat on the rebels (WS029). The rebels fled, and in the chaos Liu Hu, Sima Shunzai and the other leaders were killed by their followers (WS003). Yizhan Jian caught up with the rest of the rebels, who attempted to commit mass suicide by drowning themselves in a river but failed. Yizhan Jian captured what appears to be the vast majority of rebels, but it's unclear what happened to them afterwards (WS029). It probably wasn't a good outcome, but I find it unlikely everyone from every household was executed.

The 415-6 rebellion was a serious issue for Northern Wei, but it was contained in Bing province and didn't pose a major threat to Northern Wei as a whole. On its own, it would not warrant my labelling of 415 as a "crisis". Instead, it is this rebellion combined with the famine that same year.

THE FAMINE OF 415

While harvests had been good under Tuoba Gui, this luck had run out by Tuoba Si's ascension to the throne, and his early years were marked by floods and droughts (WS110). While there were active poor relief efforts during this time, the harvest situation had not got so bad as to need a coordinated response until 415.

In 415, there seems to have been a generally poor harvest, but the areas especially affected were those around the capital, whose grain harvest failed (WS110). Northern Wei had not yet really needed a disaster relief policy before this harvest, so the first response to the famine appeared to be to look to the divine. Tuoba Si's sister Princess Huayin, backed by the court astrologers, suggested that moving the capital to Ye would bring fortune (WS035).

There was a practical reason for moving the capital to Ye, in that Ye was further south than Pingcheng and therefore was better suited to agriculture than Pingcheng, which would have long-running issues with harvests. However, at this point in Northern Wei's history, it was still important to keep the capital in the north.

These reasons would be outlined by Cui Hao in his advice to Tuoba Si against moving the capital (WS035). He highlighted that the Han would realise their superior numbers, and it would further show the weakness of the Xianbei as they would not be used to the climate, which would exacerbate ethnic tensions. External threats such as Rouran and Helian Bobo's Xia could take advantage of the move to attack, and it would be difficult to defend the north from Ye.

Cui Hao would also suggest that the famine would be a temporary issue that would subside after the spring harvest which would get the capital to the next harvest (WS035). Tuoba Si, however, was unconvinced by this consolation, and he was worried that there would still be food problems and that there might be another poor harvest. Cui Hao instead suggested that Tuoba Si send the poorest families south to obtain food, which Tuoba Si followed through on (WS035). After this there appeared to be a clear disaster relief strategy in Northern Wei.

Furthermore, the agricultural situation improved after this. Tuoba Si sent out an edict to the officials ordering them to encourage people to cultivate the land (WS110), likely wanting to encourage the cultivation of unused land. This appeared to work, as in 416 there was a plentiful harvest (WS035), with good harvests continuing in the years following (WS110) until there was another poor harvest in 423.

The famine was clearly perceived as a crisis by Tuoba Si and the people who suggested moving the capital, but in the end it did not end up being one. It could have been a crisis if it was poorly handled, such as if the capital was really moved or no relief plan was devised, but instead there was a proper relief effort and no far-reaching capital-moving was done. This timely, effective response would mitigate the potential crisis of the famine.

CONCLUSION

While 415 was a difficult time for Northern Wei, it actually emerged from this period stronger internally. The economy was performing better than before (WS110), internal stability had finally been achieved (can be implied from WS003) and there would be a period of relative calm in Northern Wei, especially compared to places like Helian Xia and Liu Song. The administration was certainly better than it had been in 409 (can be implied from WS003, WS111 and WS030, and the idleness of officials may have improved since they seem to have properly enacted the 415 agriculture decree) and was in a working shape, and efforts to address corruption and poor official performance were made in this timespan (WS003), though it's unclear how effective these were. Systemic corruption would never really be resolved in Northern Wei (Yuan Hong had short-lived success but this was undone shortly after his death with Yuan Ke).

415 was the debut of Cui Hao as a key advisor on state affairs, and he would have a successful entrance onto the stage. This would start Cui Hao's more than 30 year long career as a trusted advisor to the emperor (Tuoba Si and later Tuoba Tao). This debut showed the calmness and rationality that would allow Cui Hao to succeed in such a role. I also think this episode shows some of the qualities of Tuoba Si; he comes across as genuinely concerned for his people, willing to seek out and listen to advice, but also as somewhat anxious.

A quick note from me: Can you believe that it was January when the last of these articles came out? The truth is that I kind of took a break from this period of history, but after several months I'm slowly rediscovering my love for this era. And unfortunately, it seems as if some of the people who used to be active here aren't posting, which often makes me feel like I'm shouting into the void. I hope that some new people join in the future to add some life here.

Hoping for the next article on the 416-7 conflict with Eastern Jin will come out sooner. After that, I'll do an article on developments in terms of Han/Xianbei integration and certain reforms, before going into the crown prince regent system. Unfortunately, there's not a lot of write about stabilising an empire, especially when Tuoba Si's reign suffers from a lack of records.

1. The Imperial Academy was originally established by Tuoba Gui. Tuoba Si seems to have given the Academy a more political character during his reign, which I will comment on soon.

2. Once again, I'm translating 王 as king. See Article 1 of the Northern Wei Series for details. At the time, the Eastern Jin in the south were nominally ruled by the Sima clan.

[craftercat]

Regarding the Book of Wei, was the very positive depiction of the Tuoba and Northern Wei a way to legitimize the Northern Qi?

Maybe somewhat, but it's normal to depict the target dynasty positively in the history of said dynasty. The end is generally not depicted well, but the beginning is depicted positively.

Legitimisation of the Northern Qi would probably be by portraying the Northern Qi as saviours of a bad situation at the end of Northern Wei. Also it has been suspected that the Northern Qi rulers fabricated their ancestry to make it look like they were more noble than they actually were.

The positive depiction of early-middle Northern Wei is more of a standard framing for histories - because, again, they are using sources recorded by the court historians of said dynasty. And being a court historian was more deadly in Northern Wei than most other dynasties.

[craftercat]

Look I love unconditional devotion love stories as much as the next person, but there's really something so deliciously raw about conditional devotion.

I have served you and I have loved you for decades, but I will not give up my principles for you. You cut out part of my heart and took it with you down that path that you insist on walking, but you walk it alone. Even when the bleeding, gaping hole you left in my chest kills me, I will not follow you.

[craftercat]

Now we have "Cui Hao manipulated Tuoba Tao into destroying Buddhism".

Tuoba Tao was 38. He was a grown man who had unified the north and had been emperor since he was a teenager. He can be held responsible for his own actions.

[craftercat]

Forgive me for the lack of pictures (I can't draw)...

[craftercat]

Also the horrible racist essentialist takes that are like "(insert Northern Wei figure) was kind, liked learning and followed etiquette, so they must be Han/Han-adjacent". Because apparently only Han people or people who want to be like the Han are allowed to have those qualities.

[craftercat]

There are definitely historical "fandoms" with a lot more modern day political relevance than this one. But that doesn't mean your 16k/Tang takes have no modern-day implications. Take the "Murong Chong pursued a relationship with Fu Jian out of curiosity" take for example. What modern day implications do you think that this idea has in terms of downright child sexual abuse? Or the idea that "Consort Yao was terrified of her barbarian husband Tuoba Si and was very sad about the marriage as a civilised woman falling into the hands of barbarians"? What implications regarding ethnic and race relations do you think this take has (this take coming from China, as do most "Northern Wei rulers were evil barbarians until Yuan Hong civilised them" takes do)?

Look, I understand that cultural norms and values were very different 1500 years ago compared to now. But that doesn't mean that you can use "times were different back then" as a cover for blatant abuse/misogyny/racism apologia. We use "times were different back then" to explain Tuoba Huang having children at the age of 12 or to contextualise the concubinage systems and the wars of conquest (notice how I say contextualise, not justify). We do not use "times were different back then" to spit out takes that are apologia for abuse, racism or war crimes.

[craftercat]

Helian Bobo really did spend all that time building Tongwan only for it to be taken by a teenager less than 5 years after his death.

[craftercat]

would you say there's bias against the northern wei in the zizhi tongjian?

Hmm... only really whenever the Northern Wei is directly involved in events in the south, such as during the Wei-Song wars. Otherwise, I think they could have been a lot worse. They left out a lot of questionable anecdotes in the Songshu about Northern Wei, for example.

When it comes to the Wei-Song wars, the coverage is generally favourable towards Liu-Song. Which is not really surprising given that the ZZTJ appears to take the view that the Southern dynasties are the "legitimate" dynasties during this period. I think this could be related to the position of Sima Guang's Song at the time, which were being threatened by the Jurchen Jin to the north. So the Zhao-Song were in a similar position to the Liu-Song, so it also served the Zhao-Song to depict the Liu-Song similarly. And even then, he sometimes ends up favourable to Northern Wei at times, even if I don't think it's intentional - for example, neglecting to mention that Northern Wei only gained part of Yan and Yu provinces in 423 and saying Northern Wei gained all of those two provinces.

But I think that aside from that, the Northern Wei coverage is generally alright. The main problems aren't really bias but that Sima Guang sometimes writes things in the ZZTJ that aren't in the Weishu or Jinshu when referring to the Sixteen Kingdoms. I haven't been able to find an earlier source for some statements, but I do give him the benefit of the doubt here because there could be sources that are lost today that he could be able to draw on. Also, some of his interpretations of text in the Weishu can be a bit questionable, but I don't think it's biased.

I think he covers the first three Northern Wei emperors quite favourably, actually, especially when compared to the other Sixteen Kingdoms rulers. Tuoba Tao has a character evaluation from Sima Guang that's based on that from the Weishu, and while I think that there was a questionable interpretation in there, it's pretty favourable to Tuoba Tao. Tuoba Gui and Tuoba Si don't have their own character evaluation (because they don't really have them in the Weishu), but I think they are generally covered favourably by the ZZTJ. The only exceptions are really the depiction of Tuoba Gui's final years, but the Weishu wasn't favourable to him there either, and a few other areas where he's really just following the Weishu depiction.

[craftercat]

Empress Zhangsun definitely not having political influence compilation:

"時太宗功業既高，隱太子猜忌滋甚。后孝事高祖，恭順妃嬪，盡力彌縫，以存內助。及難作，太宗在玄武門，方引將士入宮授甲，后親慰勉之，左右莫不感激。"

At the time Taizong (Li Shimin) had high achievements, and the Hidden Crown Prince (Li Jiancheng) had a lot of jealousy for him. The empress filially served Gaozu (Li Yuan), subordinated herself to his concubines, and strived her hardest to cover up mistakes [of Li Shimin's faction], in order to provide internal support. At the time of difficulty, Taizong was at Xuanwu Gate, and when commanders and soldiers were led into the palace to be given armour, the empress personally encouraged them, and those around her were all thankful.

"及九年之際，機臨事迫，身被斥逐，闕於謨謀，猶服道士之衣，與文德皇后同心影助，其於臣節，自無所負。"

During the ninth year [of Wude], arriving near the matter [the Xuanwu Gate Incident], [Fang Xuanling] having been dismissed, put aside in schemes and plans, he still wore the clothes of a Daoist monk and with Empress Zhangsun together outlined and assisted. In his integrity as a minister, he has never been defeated.

"時后兄無忌，夙與太宗為布衣之交，又以佐命元勛，委以腹心，出入臥內，將任之朝政。后固言不可，每乘間奏曰：「妾既托身紫宮，尊貴已極，實不願兄弟子侄布列朝廷。漢之呂、霍 [1] 可為切骨之誡，特願聖朝勿以妾兄為宰執。」太宗不聽，竟用無忌為左武候大將軍、吏部尚書、右僕射。後又密遣無忌苦求遜職，太宗不獲已而許焉，改授開府儀同三司，后意乃懌。"

At the time the empress had an older brother [Zhangsun] Wuji, who had long been a companion of Taizong, and was assigned as a leading light due to his aid, and entrusted in the core, entered and left the bedroom [of Taizong], and was trusted on for court governance. The empress was persistent in saying [Taizong] should not, and took advantage of every opportunity to say: "Since I have been entrusted in the Purple Palace, my honour has already been at the pinnacle, and I truly do not want my brothers and nephews to be arranged in imperial government. Han's Lu and Huo can serve as bitter warnings, and I merely wish for the court to not make my brother a minister." Taizong did not listen, and made Wuji Left General Who Attends to the Military, a high official at the Ministry of Appointments and Right Supervisor. The empress further secretly dispatched to Wuji requesting he yield his position. Taizong could not stop this and instead conferred him as kaifu yitong sansi. The empress was thus pleased.

1 She's referring to the destruction of the Lu and Huo clans of powerful consort-kin during the Han dynasty.

有異母兄安業，好酒無賴。獻公之薨也，后及無忌並幼，安業斥還舅氏，后殊不以介意，每請太宗厚加恩禮，位至監門將軍。及預劉德裕逆謀，太宗將殺之，后叩頭流涕為請命曰：「安業之罪，萬死無赦。然不慈於妾，天下知之，今置以極刑，人必謂妾恃寵以復其兄，無乃為聖朝累乎！」遂得減死。

Empress Zhangsun had a half-brother Anye, who loved drinking and was a rascal. After the death of Zhangsun Sheng, the empress and Wuji were both young, and dismissed them back to their maternal uncle's family, but the empress did not care about this, and frequently asked Taizong to treat [him] with kindness and courtesy, and he was made Gatekeeper General [2]. When he plotted a rebellion with Liu Deyu, Taizong was going to kill him, and the empress kowtowed while crying and pleaded for his life saying: "Anye's crimes deserve ten thousand deaths without pardon. Yet he had not been kind to me, and the whole empire knows this. Now he is to be sentenced to death, people will say that I have used my special favour to get revenge on my brother, is this not a burden to the court?" Therefore he avoided death.

2. I doubt this anecdote. I do not think that Empress Zhangsun would push for someone who "loved drinking and was a rascal" to have high honours, especially since he was consort-kin, which she also opposed. As well, the position he got was actually standard for supporters of a crown prince after a succession struggle. I think the JTS writers wanted to make her extra virtuous by saying the promotion was due to her.

"太宗以其言退而告后，后嘆曰：「嘗聞陛下重魏徵，殊未知其故。今聞其諫，實乃能以義制主之���，可謂正直社稷之臣矣。妾與陛下結髮為夫婦，曲蒙禮待，情義深重，每言必候顏色，尚不敢輕犯威嚴，況在臣下，情疏禮隔，故韓非為之說難，東方稱其不易，良有以也。忠言逆於耳而利於行，有國有家者急務，納之則俗寧，杜之則政亂，誠願陛下詳之，則天下幸甚。」后因請遣中使賫帛五百匹，詣徵宅以賜之。"

Taizong told [Wei Zheng]'s words to the empress, who sighed and said: "I once heard that Your Majesty attaches importance to Wei Zheng, yet I did not know the reason now. Now I have heard his remonstrance, in reality he is able to use righteousness to control his lord's desires, and can be called an upright minister of state. Your Majesty and I have been husband and wife since we were youths, thoroughly receiving respectful treatment, with deep feelings. Every word's countenance is attended to, and I do not dare to frivolously attack Your Majesty, but the situation is that amongst your subjects, friendship is neglected and etiquette is distant. In ancient times Han Fei spoke of the difficulties of this, and Dongfang spoke of its unease, which really has a reason. Loyal words that are unpleasant to the ears is beneficial for conduct, and when there are urgent matters for the country or family, accepting them will mean society is peaceful, rejecting means government will be chaotic. I sincerely hope that Your Majesty will accept it, as the country will be blessed."

"太子承乾入侍，密啟后曰：「醫藥備盡，尊體不瘳，請奏赦囚徒，並度人入道，冀蒙福助。」后曰：「死生有命，非人力所加。若修福可延，吾素非為惡。若行善無效，何福可求？赦者，國之大事；佛道者，示存異方之教耳，非惟政體靡弊，又是上所不為，豈以吾一婦人而亂天下法？」承乾不敢奏，以告左僕射房玄齡，玄齡以聞，太宗及侍臣莫不噓唏。朝臣咸請肆赦，太宗從之；后聞之，固爭，乃止。"

The crown prince Chengqian entered the palace, and secretly asked the empress: "Medicine is being prepared, but your body has not healed. I ask for a pardon of convicts, and an amount of people to enter Daoist and Buddhist blessings." The empress said: "Life and death is decided by fate and not by humans. If my good deeds can prolong my life, then I will not do evil. If they are not valid, why ask for blessings? A general pardon is a major matter for the country; Buddhism and Taoism are different teachings, not only do they corrupt the government, but furthermore if it would not be done for Your Majesty, how can I, a woman, disrupt the law of the world?" Chengqian did not dare to present, telling Left Supervisor Fang Xuanling. When Xuanling heard, Taizong and his attendant ministers all wept with grief. The court ministers all asked for a pardon, and Taizong followed them; the empress heard this, stubbornly fought them, and so it was stopped.

"「玄齡事陛下最久，小心謹慎，奇謀秘計，皆所預聞，竟無一言漏泄，非有大故，願勿棄之。又妾之本宗，幸緣姻戚，既非德舉，易履危機，其保全永久，慎勿處之權要，但以外戚奉朝請，則為幸矣。妾生既無益於時，今死不可厚費。且葬者，藏也，欲人之不見。自古聖賢，皆崇儉薄，惟無道之世，大起山陵，勞費天下，為有識者笑。但請因山而葬，不須起墳，無用棺槨，所須器服，皆以木瓦，儉薄送終，則是不忘妾也。」"

Xuanling has served Your Majesty for a long time. He is careful and prudent, and his clever schemes and secret plans have all been known in advance, but not a word of them has leaked. For my natal clan, many have risen up due to our marriage and not because of their high virtue, which easily leads to crisis. To preserve them forever, be careful not to put them in positions of authority, and that consort kin will be happy to see you in court. My life has not been of benefit to the people, so my death should not be a waste. When you bury me, hide me so that nobody will see me. Virtuous rulers of ancient times have advocated frugality, only in a tyrannical world a big tomb in the mountains be built, which causes the people to toil and wastes resources, those with knowledge are all laughing. I ask you to make a hill my tomb, it does not need a mound, do not use a coffin, and have all necessary utensils be made of wood. Give me a frugal last respects, only do not forget me.

"仍願陛下親君子，遠小人，納忠諫，屏讒慝，省作役，止游畋，妾雖沒於九泉，誠無所恨！兒女輩不必令來，見其悲哀，徒亂人意。" (Continuation from previous speech from ZZTJ)

"I hope that Your Majesty will continue to be close to wise men and stay away from villains, accept honest advice and reject wicked slander, lessen labour burdens and stop hunting. Even though I am going to the afterlife, I will truly have no regrets. There is no need for my children to come to my funeral, if I see them mourn, I will only be disturbed."

"长孙皇后性仁孝俭素，好读书，常与上从容商略古事，因而献替，裨益弘多"

Empress Zhangsun's character was benevolent, filial and frugal. She liked reading and often discussed events of ancient times with the emperor in order to give advice on what is correct, which was of great benefit.

"后廷有被罪者，必助帝怒请绳治，俟意解，徐为开治，终不令有冤。"

When the empress's court had those who were to be punished, she would always help the emperor in anger to ask for punishment, waiting for his mood to dissipate, and would then slowly ask to lift the punishment. In the end there were no injustices.

"太宗有一骏马，特爱之，恒于宫中养饲，无病而暴死。太宗怒养马宫人，将杀之。皇后谏曰：“昔齐景公以马死杀人，晏子请数其罪云：‘尔养马而死，尔罪一也。 使公以马杀人，百姓闻之，必怨吾君，尔罪二也。诸侯闻之，必轻吾国，尔罪三也。’公乃释罪。陛下尝读书见此事，岂忘之邪？”太宗意乃解。又谓房玄龄曰：“ 皇后庶事相启沃，极有利益尔。”"

Taizong had a steed who he especially loved, which was always looked after in the palace, but died suddenly without signs of illness. Taizong was furious with the palace attendant looking after the horse and wanted to kill them. The empress remonstrated and said: "In the past Duke Jing of Qi killed people because of his horse's death, and Yanzi asked him to count the crimes [of the horse raiser, saying: "Your horse died, which is your first sin. Making you kill people because of a horse, and the people hearing this, which must make them resent our Duke, which is your second crime. The various lords hearing this, who will certainly take light of our country, which is your third crime." The duke thus lifted the punishment. Your Majesty once read a book about this matter, how could he forget it?" Taizong's mood thus dissipated. He then told Fang Xuanling: "The Empress assists and guides me in common affairs, and is of great benefit to me."

"上尝罢朝，怒曰：“会须杀此田舍翁！”后问为谁，上曰：“魏征每廷辱我。”后退，具朝服立于庭，上惊问其故。后曰：“妾闻主明臣直；今魏征直，由陛下之明故也，妾敢不贺！”上乃悦。"

Once when the emperor finished court, he was furious and said: "I must kill this country bumpkin!" The empress asked who this was, and the emperor said: "Wei Zheng always humiliates me in court." The empress retreated, put on her official clothes and stood in the courtyard, and the emperor asked why. The empress relied: "I have heard that when a lord is wise his ministers are upright; now Wei Zheng is upright, following this Your Majesty is wise. I dare not congratulate you!"