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East Anglian Folk Music: Realities, Context…and Reinvention?

Abstract:

Scottish and Irish folk music are known internationally today however East Anglia in England lacks both regional identity and folk music culture. Initial English revivals aimed to create a national culture focussed on a narrow selection of music, excluding and sub-categorising progressive elements as they developed. Ireland and Scotland exported their traditional music via the world music market, created strong musical institutions and embraced developments and innovations from their diasporas. In East Anglia my field work sees a range of non-folk repertoire accepted in folk clubs when played acoustically, popular sea shanties regarded as separate, and greater accessibility in Irish traditional music. This essay examines the theory behind music revivals, noting the key elements of recontextualisation, authenticity and what the term revival really means. I use case studies of folk music revivals in Finland, Sweden and Hungary to create a framework of initiatives including re-organising the wealth of existing yet inaccessible online resources, and instrument revival. I argue the fundamental impetus must be to create new, relevant folk music, whilst maintaining the traditional. I argue for the reinvention of the East Anglian folk music scene for the wider positive social changes I believe it could contribute towards.

Chapter 1 - Introduction

1.1 Project aims

I’m a musician and I grew up in North Norfolk in England, part of an area known as East Anglia. Celtic punk music from the 90s eventually lead me to contemporary UK folk artists such as Seth Lakeman, Eliza Carthy, Julie Fowlis and Cara Dillon, and I noticed that the UK folk music scenes are highly regional with frequent reference and importance given to places by performers, critics and presenters. Yet where was East Anglia?

The composer Vaughan Williams collected numerous folk songs from the area in the early 1900s, so at this time there must have been a regional folk music scene, but I had no experience of it during my upbringing. What happened?

My recent studies regarding the application of music for social development lead me to think about community development through music. East Anglia is not a wealthy region of the country, but could folk musical initiatives create greater community cohesion? Could this build a modern sense of identity I notice was lacking during my upbringing there?

Could folk music initiatives lead to cultural tourism and the multiple benefits that would come with increased financial provisions for the area?

Nicholas Cook, that music 'can be understood as both a reflector and generator of social meaning[…]Music, in other words, becomes a resource for understanding society’ (Cook, 2003. p.g 213) Tying these areas together my research questions for this study are as follows:

Why is folk music in England received and experienced so differently to folk music in Scotland and Ireland?

2. What is the folk music scene in East Anglia like at present?

3. What are musical revivals and how do they work?

4. Theoretically how could folk music be revived in East Anglia?

1.2 Literature Review

Folk Music Definition

Defining what folk music means to me is fundamental to this study and my definition comes from a collection of different sources. In ‘The Study of Folk Music in the Modern World’ Philip Bohlman defines folk music as rural music taught without being written down and distinguishes the difference between rural and urban calling urban music popular music and city music folklore (1988, p.g 1) I disagree with the music only being rural and oral, and believe urban music should be included as folk music. I do not see the oral nature of transmission as essential, however I recognise that a large proportion of folk music comes from an oral tradition. A fundamental perspective from Bohlman’s writing is the misconception that folk music is static (1988. pg. 3) which I agree with.

Mark Slobin supports the view of folk music changing over time and looks specifically at the content of the music:

‘Folk music: acoustic instruments with a hint of social significance. Generations reshape and revive this model at any time (Slobin, 2011. pg. 1)

This idea of content is then expanded upon when he outlines the themes covered in folk music being: work, raising children, family ties, voicing beliefs/ambitions/hopes/identities and defining and reinforcing a place in society (2011). He has also mentioned here a key instrumental identifier that is almost unanimously agreed upon: folk music instruments are acoustic. To further illustrate this, along with self identification Ruth Finnan observed the importance of musical style over choice of instrument for defining a genre, noting how learning by ear and certain playing techniques defined a level of ‘folk-ness’ (Finnan, 2007. pg. 66)

To summarise, my opinions on folk music are:

1. Folk music is both rural and urban.

2. Folk music varies and is not static.

3. Lyrics contain social significance.

4. Acoustic instruments are widely used.

5. Self identification by the performers is crucial.

6. Musical and stylistic elements from British traditional music are used.

My Own Research

The English folk song revival movements in England, Scotland and Ireland have been well documented and my study includes both contemporary and period sources. I pay particular attention diasporic folk music developments as I believe this to be relevant and my own experiences of folk music stem from these movements particularly. No one has yet written about East Anglia in specific relation to Scotland, Ireland and the rest of England, however given the scope of the study I have had to condense this project on the basis of practicality. For more concrete conclusions, in depth comparisons with regional folk music scenes across the country are needed yet are logistically unmanageable. For this reason I am focusing on understanding the events that took place in folk music revivals in the UK in the past to try and explain the differences in folk music practise between Ireland & Scotland, and England today. I then take my own observations of both the English and specifically East Anglian folk scene at present and, through the lense of organised revivals, explore possible frameworks that could be used to benefit the region, should further revival initiatives take place.

Schema

My frame of reference for understanding observed behaviours in my field work is based upon the concept of schemas which I discovered through the writing of Richard Widdess. He explains that:

‘Music seems to be composed of a large variety of specialised schemas[…]They consist of categories…between which they establish static or temporal relationships[…]They can be hierarchically combined, and generate expectations.’ (2013. p.g 200)

I keep this in mind when observing performance practises in sessions and in making correlations between the behaviours I observe, however a detailed examination and definition of the schemas is beyond the scope of this study, but would be an interesting future study.

Revival

I explore revival using Caroline Bithell’s six themes for revival, alongside Owe Ronström’s authenticity framework. The works of Juniper, Livingston and Slobin are foundations upon which I view revival in this project. The case studies I examine are centred around folk music with similar features, to create a framework of possible initiatives to increase East Anglian musical culture.

1.3 Methodology

My method of collecting primary source data is through informal conversations and observations, and to record my findings in a close up descriptive style. This style was greatly influenced by Louise Meintjes’ Sound of Africa! (2003) in which the style of prose is largely through first person observations. The author labels this as observing the symbolic aesthetic realm (Meintjes, 2003, p.g 9) which Jeff Todd Titon supports stating that:

‘Interpretation of meaningful action as a text requires that the ethnographer inscribe the observed action into a narrative description-interpretation’. (2003, p.g 177)

The study of English folk music raises an ontological problem in that there is no one dominant description or set of parameters for what English folk music is. The genre exists somewhere within multiple definitions based on musical features, performance style, and the history and origins of the material. To tackle this I have to outline my own definition of folk music and epistemologically base my primary research on empiricist observation and belief, which I join with historical study to construct more rationalist leaning questions for further study. It is the aim that should these further areas be studied, more concrete definitions would in turn arise and allow more rationalist analysis within English folk music.

Chapter 2 - Historical Context

2.1 The First English Revival

Initiatives in English folk music revival occurred multiple times from the end of the 19th century to arguably the beginning of the 21st century. To understand folk music in England today and to make UK comparisons it is crucial to understand what happened during these revival movements.

In 1898 Cecil Sharp established the Folk Song Society (FSS). A group of amateur song collectors, their intention was to collect folk songs from rural areas of England which they believed were near extinction. The organisation made the distinction between composed music and music of an oral tradition, defining folk music as music born in the mind and avoided printed sources (Keel. 1948).

Sharp pushed for folk dance to be added to the national curriculum (which it was in 1906) after becoming increasingly interested and involved in English Morris dancing and establishing the Folk Dance Society in 1911. Publications by the Folk Song society in 1912 feature the inclusion of Scots Gaelic, Canadian and Irish folk songs amongst others, however after amalgamating in 1932 (becoming the English Folk Song and Dance Society) the focus changed to repertoire and practises from England.

Sharp believed that the communally transmitted folk song contained national character which, if used strategically in education, would promote a musical and national revival (Francmanis, 2002). Sharp’s 1907 publication English Folk-Song, Some Conclusions clearly states the musical features of English folk music he observed. Although he then suggests reasons for these features based on little or no evidence, in their own right they are of interest as they define what this first revival regarded as musical features unique to English folk music (see appendix 1).

At the end of the publication Sharp’s involvement with the movement are realised. He praises other European countries for their nationalist movements and criticises, in his words, England’s tendency to culturally honour the foreigner (Sharp. 1907. p.g. 127). He sees the need to create new nationalist art music attainable through building musical good taste in children:

’…if we are not careful, cosmopolitan education will create citizens of the world not Englishmen. It’s Englishmen, English citizens that we want’ (1907. pg. 136)

For all its nationalistic ideas which must be viewed in relation to the time period, from Sharp’s work the musical features of English folk music are analysed and defined. Sykes however identifies many fabrications and issues with the EFSDS and their portrayed image of English folk music:

‘…the revivalists argued that there was a class of song called 'folk song' […] that this folk song was restricted to isolated rural communities, was sung by unlettered peasants and was fading with the disappearance of the last survivors of an essentially 'primitive' way of life. (Sykes, 1993. p.g 460)

Alongside the frequent uses of the words primitive and peasant, this shows the collectors’ leanings towards ideas of cultural evolution. The intentions were clearly to document and preserve rural music for use in creating nationalist art music as well as creating a greater national identity using this music in children’s schooling.

2.2 The Second English Revival

The second revival in England started in the mid 1950s after a boom in popularity of skiffle music from the United States. Folk music was performed in clubs and pubs, was mainly unaccompanied vocal music and was seen as both an alternative to the commercialised popular music of the time and as a cultural expression of the people (Keegan-Phipps & Winter, 2014.) During this revival amateur folk musicians were regarded as ‘tradition bearers’ (Keegan-Phipps & Winter, 2014. p.g. 497)

During the 1960s the English folk scene received great influence from the USA with artists like Bob Dylan, Pete Seeger, Woody Guthrie and Paul Simon bringing with them the acoustic guitar and image of the singer songwriter. The 2006 BBC documentary Folk Britannia documents the split in terminology and repertoire at this point: artists such as the Watersons, the Spinners and Annie Briggs rejected the influences from the United States and continued to make largely vocal music regarded as traditionalist, whereas artists taking the guitar and singer songwriter aesthetics were regarded as contemporary and had overtly political left-wing material. Artists such as Ewan McCall and A.L Lloyd pushed contemporary folk music into the arena of political protest. In the documentary Shirley Collins marks this division claiming that McCall hijacked the movement for his own political aims.

By the 1970s English bands such as Steeleye Span, Fairport Convention, Lindisfarne and The Strawbs had taken the traditional music collected by Sharp et al. and recontextualised it. These groups were innovative, used electric instruments and added improvisation attracting a new audience (Britta Sweers, 2014. p.g 477) and creating Folk Rock. This new genre developed and became linked with commercial pop and progressive rock scenes. Folk Britannia highlights drug abuse, commercialisation and a lack of values leading to the movement becoming a pastiche of itself, and at the core of the English folk club-based movement was the dogma that folk songs should only be sung unaccompanied and English groups were too loud for the folk clubs, so moved into the performance spheres of prog rock (Britta Sweers, 2014. p.g 480). The English folk music scene continued, however did not see the next level of resurgence until the early 2000s.

2.3 Irish Folk Music

Irish folk music revival and collection pre-dates the English by over a century with the Irish harp festival of 1781 and the Belfast harp festival of 1792 at which Edward Bunting notated the music and created The Bunting Collection. Music collecting from this era onwards coincided with waves of Irish migration to the United States and this music lived on in the hearts and minds of those diasporic communities (Williams, 2014. p.g 605)

In 1807 the Belfast Harp Society was formed, with the Society for the Preservation and Publication of the Melodies of Ireland publishing Ancient Music in Ireland in 1855, and the Gaelic League founded in 1893 which was particularly active in promoting Irish traditional music and dance (Blaustein, 2014).

In 1896 an instrumental music competition called the Feis Coeil was founded aiming to promote all forms of Irish music within a competition style, (Williams, 2014) later shifting to music that purists might regard as traditional (Williams, 2014. p.g 607) and this was followed in 1908 with the establishment of the Piper’s Club of Dublin.

Successful examples of institutionalisation can be seen again when in the late 1930s the Irish Folklore Commission, Irish National Teachers Organisation and the Department of Education collaborated to create the School’s’ Folklore Scheme. This saw children acting as folklore collectors by interviewing family and neighbours about folklore practises, the half a million results of which were compiled in The School’s Manuscript Collection. Adding to this wealth of written resources, in 1951 the Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann (Gathering of Musicians of Ireland) organisation founded the Fleadh Cheoil as an annual festival of Irish music and dance which continues to this day.

Alongside the second English folk music revival, several supergroups emerged from Ireland in the 1960s and 70s. The Chieftans, The Bothy Band and Planxy performed internationally on the world stage, inspiring a new generation to learn traditional Irish folk music. At this time, with the growth of media representation in Ireland, a session playing scene developed as part of the rapidly growing industry of cultural tourism (Williams. 2014). Irish traditional music then became part of the World Music market place in the late 1980s which increased the sales and presence of Irish music on the world stage. This was followed by bands fusing Irish traditional music with punk in the 1990s in the Irish diasporas. Groups such as Flogging Molly (Los Angeles), Dropkick Murphys (Boston), The Saints (Brisbane) and The Pogues (London) combined material on Irish cultural history with working class issues and were popular worldwide.

In summary the key elements of the development and revival of Irish traditional music are:

Written sources - dating back to 1792.

Specific Instrumental clubs and associations founded.

Traditional music lived on in the diaspora and cultural links maintained.

Music connected to cultural associations in Ireland.

The School’s Manuscript Collection - a large resource that engaged a young generation.

Fleadh Cheoil Music and Dance festival - still relevant today.

60s and 70s supergroups exported traditional music and inspired a new generation.

Cultural tourism and the rise of session culture.

Entry into the World Music market.

Popular fusion with punk in the diasporas.

2.4 Scottish Folk Music

The folk music revival history of Scotland is comparable to Irish folk music, both in style and via diasporas in North America which Richard Blaustein describes as ‘comparable developments’ (2014. p.g 559).

Folk music collecting, publishing and promoting in mainland Scotland dates back to as early as 1726 in Edinburgh with the clear organisation of piping and fiddle societies. George Emmerson states that throughout the eighteenth century an interest in Scottish national music was held by all members of social classes in Scotland, with a wave of grassroots cultural nationalism emerging in the formation of strathspey and reel societies in 1881 in Edinburgh (Blaustein, 2014. p.g. 559)

More recent developments in the revitalisation of Scottish traditional music (Blaustein, 2014. p.g. 559) have seen the invention of specialist accordion and fiddle clubs and the co-ordinating and co-organisation of the National Association of Accordion and Fiddle Clubs in Scotland. As in Ireland, Scotland has a thriving cultural tourism industry based on both historic and recently invented cultural traditions. Scottish traditional music has entered the mainstream through the World Music market under the umbrella label of ‘celtic’ however not to the same extent as in Ireland. The Scottish diaspora around Nova Scotia in Eastern Canada until recently called Scots music is now called Cape Breton music (Feintuch, 2006. p.g.11) yet still hold on to Scottish origins, and both Scottish and Irish revivals share a history of successful institutionalised initiatives.

Today Scottish traditional music can be studied at Edinburgh, St. Andrews and the Highlands & Islands Universities, as well as at the Scottish Royal Conservatoire, and lower level instrumental grades in both Scottish and Irish music are available. To compare this to England, there are currently no instrumental grades in English traditional music available, with only two long standing university courses in folk music available (Newcastle and Sheffield). Taking this into account alongside the long-standing Scottish festival scene (The Edinburgh Festival, Celtic Connections, Heb Celt Folk Festival and the Orkney Folk Festival) the extent of institutional support and opportunities for Scottish traditional music, in contrast to the absence in England, becomes clear. The exact statistics of funding received, impact of resources and local initiatives in place would be valuable to draw conclusions from and compare to England, however this is outside the scope of this study.

2.5 Celtic Identity

Throughout this study the role of identity has been ever present. In examining the progression of the English folk music revivals in comparison to those in Ireland and Scotland it is impossible to ignore the factor of identity, particularly the Gaelic and Celtic identities.

The Gaelic League was founded in 1893 as an association to promote Irish language, arts and culture through poetry, literature, and music. The invention of cultural practises such as the ceilidh satisfied revivalist cultural mores to create a strong image of Irish identity. (Williams. 2014.) Not to be confused with the Gaelic League, (and I believe building upon the success of it), the Celtic League was established in 1961 creating the self identified Celtic Nations of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, The Isle of Man, Cornwall and the French region of Brittany. Cultural, linguistic and political aims are held by this group, however the fundamental idea behind it is a shared identity. The contentious issue of the inclusion of Galicia and Asturias in northern Spain still surrounds the League, yet Peter Ellis (who was instrumental in rejecting Asturias and Galicia from the League) clearly states:

Celtic is a linguistic term; a Celt is one who speaks or was known to have spoken within modern historical times a Celtic language[…]The last time a Celtic language was recorded as being spoken in Galicia was in the 9th Century[…] I believe the focus of the Pan-Celtic movement should be on the nations where there are still living Celtic languages… (McIntyre, 2013.)

Regardless of their absence from the Celtic Nations, Mauel Alberro notes that many people in Galicia feel a Celtic identity (2008). Alberro goes on to point out that despite failing to qualify as part of the League based on the linguistic criterion this has not stopped Galicia from proclaiming a self-defined Celtic identity that has found its expression through a range of musical festivals and cultural activities (Alberro, 2008).

A BBC documentary exploring Galician Celtic identity presented by Scottish Accordionist Phil Cunningham is rife with examples and assumptions about ethnic and DNA links between Celts based upon no evidence. After the opening introduction explaining shared Celtic roots in pre Roman Europe, Cunningham says: ‘The Chieftains - the great grandfathers of Celtic music…’ and in a sentence this highlights a key issue with the Celtic identity. Throughout my research I have identified four different uses of the term Celtic:

(Image 1)

The Celtic music Cunningham is referring to is in fact the traditional Irish and Scottish music from the super groups of the 70s and brought to international attention via the World Music market, marketed under the label of Celtic music. Celtic music and culture are recent inventions in comparison to the Celtic tribes of Europe and the Celtic languages that live on, in fringe areas of the Atlantic seaboard of Western Europe. Despite the modern Celtic identity being officially described as rooted in the distinct living Celtic language of each of the six nations (McIntyre, 2013.) many times the validity and authenticity of the Celtic identity is debated using the Celtic race and languages as key factors.

To explore these arguments further is beyond the scope of this study, however it is undeniable that Celtic culture in this format is a modern and successful construct (see appendix 2.1 and 2.2) The movement has a growing cohort of musicians and is an example of a highly successful folk music movement.

Bohlman highlights the dangers in nationalist music as having the potential to continue to problematise the gap between the image and reality of a nation (2003, p.g.52) however in the case of the Celtic Nations it can be seen that they transcend existing national boundaries and join countries rather than separate them. Bohlman goes on to suggest that music represents culture as both a form of expression that unites, and as a manifestation of difference (2003) with both of these extremes seen in the Celtic Nations.

The important factors to be taken away are:

1. New cultural movements between countries can be created.

2. Cultural preservation (particularly languages) can strengthen a movement’s legitimacy.

3. Historical and linguistic ties should not be allowed to dominate discourse surrounding authenticity and legitimacy.

4. Geographical and political contentions can dominate discourse and detract from the culture being created, as seen with northern Spain and the Celtic League.

Chapter 3 - Contemporary Context

3.1 Contemporary English Folk Music

In the early 2000s England entered a new phase of interest around folk music, (however not named a revival as such) with the rise of popular bands and artists; Mumford & Sons, Laura Marling and Noah & The Whale (amongst others) mixing indie rock with folk and traditional music elements to create what has been termed nu-folk. Blaustein argues that folk revivals in the Western world are historically a compensatory response to modernisation (2014. p.g. 566) and I believe that in this case it was in opposition to the rise of electronic dance music elements in pop at the time. English folk music underwent a shift in demographic as part of its recontextualisation, with a realignment closer to pop and indie rock structures (Blaustein, 2014.) and Keegan-Phipps & Winters argue how a perceived levels of authenticity came with playing acoustic instruments.

Successful English musicians such as Seth Lakeman, Kate Rusby and Jon Boden, carefully define themselves as contemporary folk and/or traditional musicians, however others closer to mainstream rock or pop genres (Frank Turner and Mumford & Sons) have a more difficult relationship with labelling. Turner is commonly referred to as a punk/folk artist (Rifkind, 2015) with an article in The Guardian stating:

‘Turner was so terrified of being saddled with the dreaded appellation "singer-songwriter" that he told everybody he was a folk singer, which "pissed off the folk purists no end” (Gittins, 2011.)

However the inclusion of folk in his labelling is only the result of his use of acoustic instruments. Mumford & Sons use instruments more widely regarded from the traditional or folk genre, yet they reject labels of being a folk band, due to negative press they received. They state that they never thought of themselves as a folk band, yet due to the acoustic instruments they play they were labelled as such in the media, then criticised in the folk scene with accusations of inauthenticity. (Lamond, 2012.)

I take the view that folk music is a continuum with traditional material at one extreme and pop or other genres at the other. Acoustic instruments have a strong impact on public perceptions of an artists position within that continuum. What is most important, as Ruth Finnan highlighted, Frank Turner demonstrates and Mumford & Sons battle critics using, is self identification. We can see this as for a time Mumford & Sons were one of the most well known music acts internationally, yet they did not identify as an English folk act to avoid criticism of their folk music authenticity. As a result the English folk scene did not share their world-wide exposure. Much like Folk-Rock in the 1970s, a new genre was created, Nu-Folk, and it was this relevant music that appealed to a young generation.

3.2 Folk Music in East Anglia

I was born in 1989 and grew up in north Norfolk with very little awareness of folk music or culture. I was raised in a rural community with little idea about the existence of English folk music other than in the loosest sense including Christmas carols and nursery rhymes. My exposure to folk music came through celtic punk music played by the diasporic bands Dropkick Murphys, Flogging Molly and The Pogues.

To study the region and it’s history I searched online and found the traditional music group rig-a-jig-jig had been active in the area until recently and some of the band members were also local historians. Band member Barbara Jane was able to give me some broad context for my questions about the region during the folk revivals, and band member and author of numerous online local history articles Chris Holderness was able to give more detail on this, and offer his opinions on the scene currently.

Email correspondence with Barbara Jane

On English folk music revival:

‘There certainly was some folk revival awareness of Norfolk.'

On folk music practises during the revivals:

‘During the 60s and onwards there were certainly folk clubs in Norwich (however) Largely not Norfolk music.’

Email correspondence with Chris Holderness

On East Anglian music history:

‘There has always been a vibrant tradition of music in East Anglia; it actually has been as strong as those of the various areas of Scotland and Ireland, but just not associated with the local nationalism of those countries, which has given it there a public impetus.’

‘…East Anglia was probably the most widely collected area for traditional music in the 1950s and 1960s, including Ireland. There are so many recordings available that show this.’

On the English folk revivals:

‘None of this has anything to do with a 'revival' and the folk club scene. It has just continued on in pubs and village halls of its own accord[…]The folk club revival scene is very different and mostly makes little reference to the true tradition of the area.’

On contemporary practises:

‘Some younger people are becoming involved, particularly with step dancing (however) It seems that most people who like 'folk' music and go to folk clubs are not, sadly, interested in the real tradition.’

The points they raise are interesting; both agree there was a vibrant music scene in East Anglia with a wealth of traditional music material collected, however this was not, and still is not the music performed in folk clubs today. The music made by the region’s numerous shanty groups was not covered by the revival movements and seems to exist in a separate genre. In the international world of shanty music these groups receive critical acclaim, perform regularly and have a contemporary online presence, however this traditional folk culture would not be instantly recognised as part of the region’s folk music. I theorise that this is a result of a national tendency to over categorise and separate genres within the English folk music scene, as I believe was the case with folk rock and other variations. Looking at the online presence of folk music in East Anglia, there is much more now than a decade ago. Ranging from historical articles to directories of live music events.

Cambridgeshire and Suffolk folk club websites - modern and accessible.

Norfolk shanty group websites - modern and accessible.

Mustrad website - difficult to access due to a very dated layout, yet contains a vast library of articles on local music and culture.

East Anglian Traditional Music Trust (EATMT) website - unfinished at the time of this study, yet starting to produce accessible content.

Mainly Norfolk - folk culture hub connecting articles to events and audio sources.

(See appendix 3.1 - 3.4 for website images)

For future development I suggest that Suffolk and Cambridge folk hub websites in the style of Mainly Norfolk should be created, with access to articles in an updated format. The EATMT could be central in connecting Norfolk, Suffolk and Cambridgeshire websites together, and all sites need to take influence from the Irish traditional music website The Session (see appendix 3.3) and upload sheet music and audio files to encourage performance and further active music making, as all currently lack this.

I was able to make contact with the EATMT however they were unable to help with this study by answering my questions. Further information regarding their funding, long and short term goals, current educational initiatives and outreach methods would prove extremely valuable in this area of study, as further predictions and suggestions could be made. To add to my observations of the online presence of folk music in East Anglia I undertook primary research observations at the Cambridge Folk Festival in Cambridgeshire and the Folk East festival in Suffolk.

3.3 Field Work: Cambridge Folk Festival

Session 1

I arrive at the outdoor tent for the advertised ‘English session’ and join the circle. In my late 20s I bring the average age down significantly as most are in the 50+ category. The session has begun and the banner visible inside the tent tells me this is organised by a local folk club. A compere runs the session by pointing around the circle, indicating to each performer when to play, and by circling the tent, whispering invitations to perform at newcomers as this is an ‘open session’. I decline the offer, which is accepted as I see that there are others like me who are content just to listen.

Two elements become apparent to me: the introductions and the performance schemas.Time is given for each performer to introduce their song, this includes where the song is from and where it was learnt.

‘this song is from Devon…’

‘I learnt this song in Derbyshire from a friend of mine…’

No comments are given from the rest of the circle when location is mentioned in the introduction, yet without fail all of the singers do it. As a performance schema this is clearly a moment to indirectly highlight the appropriateness of the material, and I wonder if by pointing out the oral tradition it influences perceptions of authenticity. Highlighting the deliberate use of regional accents once again demonstrates an awareness of appropriate performance style, in this case to create certain rhymes:

‘I’ll have to sing this northern otherwise the words wont work properly, so apologies to anyone from Derby here…’

It could also be the case that the performance schema of a dedicated introduction section functions to check the repertoire of the session adheres to the title of ‘English’.

It is clear that there is some sort of cannon of repertoire so I ask my neighbours on either side of me where these songs are learnt - they reply that they are learnt from sessions like this.

Session 2.

I return to the same tent for an ‘open session’ run by another local folk club with a different compere and here I notice different schema for whole group inclusion. The majority of songs have a repeated refrain or chorus section which is explained before starting. We are encouraged to sing this part and the whole circle complies with improvised harmonies with minimal explanation. A line is sung once then the song begins and with a hand gesture we are invited to sing.

Lyrics are given equal importance to musical skill as some songs are short but receive applause and praise for the quality of the singer, whereas others are long story songs which receive a great level of interaction during the performance through applause and laughter, regardless of the singers vocal abilities.

I talk to stewards and festival attendees during the festival and note the difficulty in defining folk music, the importance given to acoustic instruments and stating geographical places. I conclude that both using acoustic instruments and recounting song histories with reference to places must contribute to a perceived level of authenticity from the crowd, often described as ‘being genuine’.

I wonder if this feeling of a ‘genuine’ performer is instilled subconsciously through performance connected to a sense of transparency which the audience respect in comparison to pop musicians.

Conclusions:

1. English sessions focus on songs.

2. Songs include audience participation.

3. Repertoire is learnt through attendance at sessions.

4. Schemas of performance are present.

5. Song history is important in validating authenticity.

6. Spoken accents are used and highlighted for authenticity.

7. The accepted idea of folk music as more genuine than other genres.

8. Majority of participants are in the 50+ age bracket.

3.4 Field Work: Folk East Festival

Session 1:

I sit at the back of the tent as a nearby table plays Irish tunes - Northumbrian pipes, tenor recorder, whistle, guitar, two fiddles and a bodhran. The performing schema are consistent with my observations of Irish sessions at the Cambridge Folk Festival; the music is instrumental, pentatonic, and the tunes are linked together by an unspoken leader. A fiddle player starts a tune and leans to their left and right to welcome the rest of the circle to play. They carry the tune through a series of nods, raising and lowering their body to signal dynamic suggestions and using eye contact cues when sections change or repeat.

After circling around the material a number of times in different combinations of melody and accompaniment the volume starts to drop. A concertina player lifts their instrument off their lap and begins pumping out a new string of notes which is eagerly joined by the bodhran and guitar. With the rhythm section backing the concertina drives on with the tune, changing to a second section as the other instruments start to follow. With the new tune a new leader has been unspokenly selected and with a falsetto whoop the session seems to all fall in behind them. There are no introductions to the tunes, and no discussions of arrangement. Players who are visibly unfamiliar with the tune sit on the fringes with a head cocked to one side, working out a part at low volume. The session is not explicitly labelled as Irish, however I recognise some tunes and the general style as such. I notice that from the initial core of players, numerous people come and go without appearing to know the repertoire. They work out a part and play a more visible role once they are confident it fits.

Session 2.

I return to the pub tent and observe an informal session where the music sounds like Morris dancing music. A melodeon and concertina dominate, the expanding and contracting of their squeezeboxes establishing dotted quaver melodies in 4/4 time. The tunes lurch with an accented emphasis on the first and third beat of the bar with the heavy pushing and drawing of air into the bellows of the instruments. The musicians sit with eyes closed lost in the melodic whirl of the jig. Others holding instruments sit near but do not join them unless they are clearly familiar with the tune. I can clearly note that the melodies are very long making them harder to follow than the Irish tunes.

Session 3.

A large crowd has gathered for this more formal session. The instrumentation is dominated by melodions and concertinas and I estimate that of the 20 or so musicians, only two are in their early 20s and the majority of the others are in their mid 50s or above. Songs are introduced by a soloist who explains the song history and any audience response parts. We sing along to a free refrain in a drinking song, then the whole tent is lead in a rendition of the shanty ‘Bound for south Australia’ to thunderous applause. Many instrumental tunes follow and I see that again the music is stylistically similar to music accompanying the Morris sides. As in the Irish sessions, these tunes are not introduced and are lead by the performer who starts them, however those in the circle who do not know the repertoire do not quietly work through it - instead they sit out and only play the tunes they know.

Folk Club Session

This performance slot is organised by a Suffolk folk club and the organiser gives a brief speech about the club history then lists the performing acts. The first musician plays for an hour on the acoustic guitar and none of the material is in the folk genre. She introduces each track and despite being acoustic covers of pop songs, is received well by the audience and the organisers. This leads me to re-evaluate the question of what is folk music? To my definition the only musical feature that is present is an acoustic instrument, but this is enough for the crowd and the organisers.

Conclusions:

Irish and English instrumental sessions share schemas of performance in some areas.

2. Irish tunes are more accessible than English - possibly due to the use of the pentatonic scale.

3. English tunes have more notes, are more scalic and have less rhythmic variation than Irish tunes.

4. The general public equate Folk music with acoustic instruments.

5. The history of the music is held in high regarded and given designated time before performances.

6. Shanty music is popular, possibly because the pentatonic melodic character allow for easy participation.

Chapter 4 - Revival

4.1 Reasons for Revivals

Drawing upon the work of Ethnomusicologist Bruno Nettl, Blaustein sights folk music revivals as an attempt to offset disorientation and displacement by an alienated middle class, by allowing them to periodically regenerate and identify with an idealised and romanticised idea of rural or folk communities. Looking at the numerous folk music revivals in England, Ireland and Scotland this can be argued to different degrees, however the reasoning behind such revivals is not the concern of this study. My interest lies in understanding what happened and creating a coherent narrative explaining the different musical landscapes we see today. My own interest in increasing folk music making comes from a belief in the numerous positive social and community benefits music making can initiate and support. The ability of music as a vehicle for social change is echoed by Tamara Livingston who says: ‘Music serves as a powerful means for restoring and reengaging individuals with each other, their culture, and their past’ (Livingston, 2014. pg. 68/69)

The case study examples I use focus on the practical features of revival efforts, rather than the reasons behind their inception. The concept and terminology of revival must be explored as, like folk music, there are many different uses and examples which overlap.

4.2 Use of the Term Revival

Mark Slobin suggests that the term revival should be abandoned as it is outdated. In Livingston’s revisited paper on the subject in 2014 she highlights the problems of the term, giving the example of the participatory continuum in which once a revival effort experiences a certain degree of interaction and participation then it becomes an act of social-musical interaction in its own right and arguably ceases to be a revival (Livingston, 2014. p.g. 64) Hill and Bithell put forward the remedy that the term revival is broad and contains the varied integrated processes of Regeneration, Reclamation, Resurgence and Recreation. As these terms share the fundamental motivation of drawing on the past to intensify some aspect of the present, and by accepting this definition, it allows us to see revivals as groups of related movements (Livingston, 2014. p.g 63) To this list I add the term reinvention as I believe it to be a key concept in revitalising musical scenes.

4.3 - Recontextualisation and Authenticity

Recontextualisation happens with every musical performance and needs to be openly acknowledged within folk music circles, as too often contemporary contextualisations are dismissed as inauthentic, while it is also acknowledged that any artistic culture must continue to develop otherwise it dies. Authenticity is another fundamental feature with definitions given by Owe Ronström in 2014, focussing on the attachment of factuality, truth and effect to a musical practise. Ronström recognises the links to legitimation and emotional response and suggests three positions from which authenticity is validated:

1. Doers - (making music) - quality and authenticity are anchored in music making and the experiences that evolve from it.

2. Knowers - (knowing what the music is about) -authenticity is found in managing the knowledge.

3. Marketers - (distributing) - the goals of the Doers and Knowers result in the marketers goals being met.

Ronström argues that all revivals are examples of decontextualisation and transvaluation of the obsolete or old-fashioned to create something new (Ronström. 2014.) and in accepting this as an inevitable process I believe there can be more focus on the relevancy of the work itself and how it connects to the next generation of participants. It is with this lense that I view case studies and try to extract successful elements that could be used to expand the East Anglian folk music scene.

4.4 Folk Music Revival Case Studies

Case study 1: (for full case studies see appendix 4)

In Folk Music Education: Initiatives in Finland, Tina Ramnarine explores the national initiatives conducted in Finland to create a thriving national folk music scene. Ramnarine highlights a rise in popularity of Finnish folk music as a result of:

New definitions and interpretations of folk music.

Implementation of folk music education on a national level.

Innovative contemporary groups popular for creating new folk music rooted in tradition.

Institutional structures.

Revival of national instruments.

In Innovation and Cultural Activism Through the Reimagined Pasts of Finnish Music Revival Juniper Hill also tackles the topic and through analysing the revival and its connection to an imagined past. Hill provides some broad concepts to take away:

1. Reimagining the past has been a successful way to create cultural change, and to inspire and legitimise innovation… (Hill, 2014. pg. 413)

2. Borrowing elements from the past is always selective - thus revivals always include recontextualisation (Hill, 2014. pg. 394)

3. Revivals almost always end up[…]creating something new (Hill, 2014. pg. 393)

Case study 2:

Jan Ling’s paper Folk Music Revival in Sweden: The Lilla Edet Fiddle Club documents the recent rise of fiddle and nyckelharpa clubs in Sweden. In this case study the following key elements for success can be seen:

Mass media support

National funding for adult recreational activities

Clubs and music schools established

Adapted regional traditional material to create a new core repertoire

Case study 3:

Colin Quigley studied the rise and development of the Hungarian Dance House movement and the revival of Transylvanian string band music from which some interesting insights can be learned. Three elements can be attributed to the success of the movement:

Institutionally funded celebrations, competitions and festivals

Authenticity validated through the inclusion of the keepers of tradition

Relevancy for the next generation through organised youth social dances

For all the successes of relevantly recontextualising cultural practises for a new generation, the movement experienced problems:

Geo-political labelling of the repertoire as Hungarian, Romanian or Gipsy lead to imagined divisions and a descent into ethnic and nationalist debate.

Funding from nation institutions held influence over the revival and these institutions had other nationalist agendas.

Recontextualising material in national institutions, and an over reliance upon them contributed to a loss of musical functionality in its original form.

Conflicts arose among revivalists, academics and traditional culture sources.

It is suggested that the movement survived despite these issues largely through the sustained commitments from the core participants (Quigley, 2014) From these case studies I make the following conclusions regarding folk music revival movements:

1. Institutional Support - crucial, yet over-reliance must be avoided.

2. Innovation Focus - leads to the creation of new, relevant material.

3. Authenticity - the source must be carefully considered and flexible.

4. Recontextualisation - inevitable and must be acknowledged.

5. Preservation and Innovation - can exist together.

6. Relevancy - keeps traditions alive.

7. Partnership - shared identities and goals with other art forms gives support.

8. Nationalism - can dominate debates and funding.

9. Musical Education - targeted at the next generation creates continuation.

10. Revival of Instruments - can instil identity to new compositions.

11. Individuals - invaluable, from tradition bearers to educators.

12. Revival - true revivals always lead to something new.

13. Reimagining the Past - inspires and legitimises innovation which can positively effect local culture and economies.

Chapter 5 - Conclusions.

5.1 - Research Question 1

Q1. Why is folk music in England received and experienced so differently to folk music in Scotland and Ireland?

I have studied the history of the numerous revival movements in each of the nations and present the following summary table to distill the information down into relevant elements:

Revival summary table:

From these events I now present a table of what I see as the generalised significant differences between the movements that account for differences in their current states:

What can we take from this?

The areas of identity and connecting with other traditional cultural practises show striking differences in how the revival movements were managed between the countries. The aims, sources collected, and educational strategies also show key differences and I believe that these are the broad reasons for the differences in traditional/folk music and culture between the countries today.

5.2 Research Question 2

Q2. What is the folk music scene in East Anglia like at present?

This question involved field observations at folk festivals in Cambridgeshire and Suffolk, correspondence with Norfolk musicians and local historians, and analysing the current web presence of folk music in the region online. I conclude that currently:

1. Extensive musical and historical resources exist online, yet the majority are difficult to access.

2. Some recent online hubs have been created.

3. Folk clubs play varying degrees of folk music. Other genres played on acoustic instruments are accepted.

4. Sea shanties are popular and accessible, yet not widely regarded within the folk/trad. genre.

5. The music festival scene is well attended.

6. Irish sessions are popular and musically accessible.

7. Older generations dominate music and dance practises

8. Sessions contain multiple performance schema and are defined by nationality of repertoire.

9. Authenticity is not uniformly measured and can dominate discourse.

What does this mean for the area?

Growing up in the area I see a general lack of coherent regional identity. From studying how regional, national and Celtic identities are tied to music in Ireland and Scotland, I believe that building on the folk music practises that currently exist in East Anglia could contribute enormously to creating a modern regional identity. Nicholas Cook also argues that music is both a reflector and generator of social meaning, and as such, music can become a resource for understanding society (2013. p.g. 213) I agree with this and believe that with this in mind, it would not only help create an identity but could also have a positive effect on wider community issues in the region.

5.3 Research Question 3

Q3. What are musical revivals and how do they work?

This area is crucial in understanding not only what a revival contains and why it happens for the purposes of studying the UK folk music revivals in the past, but also for creating a framework for how East Anglia could develop its folk culture in the future. Two conceptual areas in the revival field answer my third research question:

1. Mark Slobin - The term revival really means many things:

Regeneration

Reclamation

Resurgence

Recreation

2. Caroline Bithell, (2014) Processes that take place in musical revivals:

-Activism/desire for change.

-Validation/reinterpretation of history.

-Recontextualisation and transformation.

-Legitimacy and authenticity.

-Transmission and dissemination.

-Post-revival outgrowths and ramifications.

5.4 Research Question 4

Q4. Theoretically, how could folk music be revived in East Anglia?

Studying the history of UK revivals, learning from wider revival case studies and making primary observations and analysis of music made in the region today, I arrive at a position from where I can make suggestions regarding future initiatives, yet I am aware that the conclusions I make are recontextualised here. I do not suggest that successful initiatives from other revivals will be instantly successful in East Anglia, however these are simply suggestions and I hope that at the very least they will provide points from which further research can pick up from, eventually leading to the implication of further informed musical revival initiatives in the area.

General aims:

The music should not be regarded as revived but as reinvented, as it would build upon music gathered and instruments played in the past.

A clear and flexible definition of what folk music is.

Open acceptance of the recontextualisation that comes with playing traditional material.

Clear definition of what constitutes authenticity.

Focus on being contemporary and relevant through innovative practises.

Drive to create new music whilst not forgetting the old.

Avoid the trappings of over categorisation seen in the past in English folk music through flexibility in accepting musical and stylistic variations.

Promote the reconceptualisation of creativity as Jason Toynbee argues, as a standard cultural process rather than a heroic act made by an extraordinary personality (203. p.g. 111) thus maximising engagement and innovation from all persons.

Self define the scene using John Shepherd’s definition of a musical scene as a cultural space with much cross-fertilisation from outside influences, in which a range of related musical practises exist. (Shepherd, 2003)

Link with other cultural movements through reinvention or invention of instrumental and dance traditions.

Collaborate and connect with other regional dance and arts movements.

My suggestions for specific initiates:

1. Institutionalisation

1. Folk music education modelled on the Finish system. Learn both traditional material and promote developing it. Fund teachers and provide revived instruments.

2. Create instrument clubs to promote specific musical practises.

3. Update online history and music resources with a central hub for each county connecting multiple smaller sites. Model musical resources on Irish traditional music website The Session.

4. Collect, reformat and publish collected music from the region gathered during the first folk music revival.

2. Music

Create new music mixing the stylistic features of English folk music established by Cecil Sharp with contemporary features.

Promote and support regional artists through competitions, small tours and financially and logistically support recording sessions.

Fund instrument, songwriting and performing workshops by professional folk artists.

Collaborate with regional folk dance groups in creating new material and performance.

Link practises with other folk scenes of similar musical aesthetic (Celtic, Gaelic, Scandinavian, regional English) to widen exposure, learn from them and increase creative cross pollination.

Continue to promote the revival of the East Anglian dulcimer and melodeon.

Continue to promote regional step dancing.

Invent the tradition of other East Anglian instrument playing (such as fiddle, bag pipe, pipe and tabour and whistle for example) as these are strong cultural symbols of folk music and have global networks, institutions and resources that could be connected to.

Similarly, looking at the popularity, accessibility and global appeal of the ceilidh, a regional variation could be invented and promoted.

3. Organisation/funding

Strive to create regional cultural tourism based on musical practise. Look at Ireland and Scotland as models. Build upon the regions’ established rural hospitality industry.

Investigate funding for financial support of regional traditional practises such as the dulcimer, melodeon and step/clog dancing.

Establish clear regional centres physically and online, with the same aims.

Seasonal programs with regular and accessible events for both the older generation and the younger.

Build upon existing online resources, overhauling online libraries to make their content more accessible.

Continue to promote and participate in the growing festival market, collaborating with other regional art forms.

These initiatives range from repackaging websites to what may appear to be the overly optimistic invention of new instrumental traditions. Drawing from Hobsbawn’s work in the area of invented traditions, we can accept that many cultural practises are indeed somewhat artificially, or intentionally created. Regardless of authenticity, Gaelic, Celtic and National identities and traditions exist, bringing enjoyment, employment, community, recreation and creative outlet to many. I see no reason why this cannot be done to a similar extent in East Anglia. Instruments such as the bagpipe and fiddle are not exclusive to any geographical area, and if the criteria for authenticity are clearly defined and not reliant on an unbroken historical lineage, I see no reason why reconstructive archeology cannot be undertaken and new instruments, performance practises and musical repertoire created for the region.

5.5 The Future

This study aims to suggest future initiatives and highlight areas for further investigation. Due to the size and nature of this project there are areas that escaped me and could provide as valuable starting points for further studies in conjunction with my work here.

Further study

In depth regional and national funding investigation.

To what extent are the folk arts funded nationally or by charities across the UK?

Comparison between Ireland, England, Scotland and the Celtic nations

2. The effect that naming and categorisation has on music and musical movements - using David Brackett’s What a Difference a Name Makes: Two instances of African-American Popular Music (2003) as a starting point.

3. The socially constructed meanings and influences of instruments on society, using Kevin Dawe’s The Cultural Study of Musical Instruments (2003) as a starting point.

4. Wider primary research into public opinions and interpretations of instruments within the folk music genre. Which are deemed as allowed or authentic and why?

5. Regional folk music educational initiatives in the UK, both historically and now. This could link to the impact of regional and national music charities and their work as conclusions in this area would effect possible music revival efforts in East Anglia.

6. The work, capacity and future aims of the East Anglian Traditional Music Trust. Looking at my framework and suggestions, what can be implemented and what is already being implemented? Hard data here would be valuable to compare with my primary observations.

7. To what extent has the Celtic identity promoted by the Celtic Nations been successful? What can be learnt from their initiatives?

In closing, the words of Mark Slobin capture my aims and motivation for this project, and my ambitions for positive social change that it could be a small part of:

Music can act as a stone around which the snowball effect of revitalisation can cohere so it can gain momentum[…]To stay in sync and stride steadily, we need tactile, tactful, and tactical strategies from our own ethnomusicological understandings, our interdisciplinary kin, and our closest musical collaborators. (2011. p.g.670)

Appendix 1 - English Folk Music

Sharp’s defined features of English folk music, from his publication ‘English Folk-Song; Some Conclusions’ (1907)

English folk music differs from Irish and Scottish due to the use of modes, whereas the other two nations’ folk music uses pentatonic scales (1907. p.g 36).

Dorian, Aeolian, Ionian and Mixolydian modes only.

Folk song is unaccompanied so has no correct harmony.

The third note of the mode is not always fixed and can be natural or flattened depending on the singer and the inflection they wish to create on a given word in the text (1907. p.g 71).

Frequent use of time signatures in 5 and 7 time,

Passing notes in English folk song occur next to the note of origin, as opposed to next to the destination note in Irish and Scottish folk song (1907. p.g 83-88).

Appendix 2 - Celtic Identity

2.1 - DNA Map

DNA map of the UK showing the differences between English, Irish, Scottish, Welsh and Cornish. The map shows different DNA groups with no one single group connecting the Celtic nations together.

2.2 - Instruments

Through studying the invention of the modern celtic identity, I have noticed that the branding of music, books and instruments as celtic is is widespread. The majority of this branding uses images of Ireland and the musical repertoire is traditional Irish. This is interesting as it is another example of a specific use of the term Celtic, however it is not consistent with any of the four meanings I have already outlined. In this case it is synonymous with contemporary Irish folk culture (see images 3 - 6).

Extending this idea I can see parallels with the branding of instruments to fit within the domain of certain genres. Many are divided into national categories as seen with the Scottish Fiddle, Irish Whistle and Welsh Harp etc. (see images 7 - 12). However these terms (and indeed the Celtic label) are also used for instruments used (and with origins and other repertoire) outside these countries, such as the Accordion, Guitar, Mandolin and Bouzouki. I have no doubt that rebranding of these instruments effects their acceptance and audience perceptions of their authenticity, the Greek Bouzouki re-labelled as the Irish Bouzouki following its use in traditional music groups in the 1970s is a clear example of this.

The use of acoustic guitar seems to carry with it connotations of folk music and I wonder to what extent this instrument’s reputation carries music and musicians into acceptance in the folk genre who really have no other links or arguable features to support them? I also wonder at the huge musical and national connotations surrounding the bagpipes, as they are seen as firmly within the folk genre, and the celtisphere, however historically they have been played in many other countries. Their cementation as more celtic than of other nations is a blatant cultural construct, and thus must effect labelling and identification with regard to folk and traditional repertoire.

Further time following these trajectories of an imagined celtic image, and the new labelling of instruments is unfortunately too far removed from my aims, however this would be an interesting area for future study.

2.3 - Celtic/Irish Identity Images

Appendix 3 - East Anglian Folk Music Webpages.

3.1 - Folk Clubs

3.2 - Folk Music Directories

3.3 - Other Websites

3.4 - Shanty groups:

Appendix 4 - Revival Case Studies

Folk Music Education: Initiatives in Finland - Tina Ramnarine

Arguably most important initiative was changing the way folk music was defined and interpreted. Finland had seen a similar folk music revival to England between the 1950s and 1970s, to much of the same effect, however since then Finland redefined folk music as no longer only rural music; urban music was included and the greater change was a shift from music from only a certain group of people or occupations from history, to music of the whole nation (Ramnarine, 1996.) Alongside this was a focus on the reinterpretation of traditional musical material in a contemporary way. As the original context of folk music had disappeared, it was seen as necessary to formally teach folk culture and this cultivated art forms could and would absorb and influence wider modern culture.

Folk music education was implemented on a national scale with teachers receiving money, grants, materials and support (1996. p.g 144), and a nationwide revival of the Kantele zither saw new music composed for the instrument and new cohorts of students learning to play it. Teaching focused on both re-creating traditional practises and reinterpreting them in different ways. Understanding that the practises would only survive if they were relevant to a contemporary audience, teachers avoided simply transmitting musical artefacts (Ramnarine, 1996) and students were encouraged to recontextualise the material they had learnt after first learning it in the traditional style.

The Finish Central Music Association linked together with the Kaustinen Festival Organization, the Folk Music Institute and the Ministry of Education to bring this project to the attention of the state for funding, resulting in the Association for Finishness travelling to the Llangollen International Folk Song and Dance Competition in Wales to deliberately observe and copy the festival formula back in Finland. As in England, key individuals played a vital role in the revival’s success. Viljo Määttälä (a Cecil-Sharp-like figure) was largely responsible for the founding of a folk music course at the Sibelius Academy in Helsinki however, unlike Sharp, he did not believe in the instinctive ability of children to absorb folk music. Määttälä actively promoted formal teaching strategies to transmit folk music in a contemporary context (Ramnarine, 1996.)

2. Folk Music Revival in Sweden: The Lilla Edet Fiddle Club - Jan Ling.

Much like the Finish folk music focus, Swedish fiddle groups incorporated innovations in their music making by learning traditional repertoire from their regions, then reinterpreting the music thus creating a new core repertoire. A prominent feature of the clubs is the emphasis on instrument making and this was heavily supported through state funding for adult recreational activities, and was prominent in the national media. The fiddle clubs were active in creating festivals, exhibitions and played at regional celebrations, however unlike the Finish initiatives, the Swedish fiddle clubs resisted further contemporary musical development and instead focused on connecting to the recent historical past of the movement itself (Ling, 1986.)

3. The Hungarian House Dance Movement and Revival of Transylvanian String Band Music - Colin Quigley

The movement was highly institutionalised; building on the academic legacy of Bartok and Kodaly through formalised teaching methods in classes and summer camps (Quigley, 2014). Classical musicians from the national Bartok ensemble made contact with traditional music musicians who were seen as the keepers of the traditions and learnt from them. As previously highlighted, through the authenticity frameworks of Ronström we can see how association with these musicians gave the movement a sense of musical and cultural authenticity. The musical movement held at its core a fundamental pairing with initiatives to promote traditional dancing and through the mutual goals of key individual practitioners, both art forms worked together to mutual benefit. This was achieved through the shared vision of making the practises relevant.

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(Accessed, June 18th, 2018)

Wagner, Erica (2015) There’s No Such Thing as a Celt. Newstatesman.com

https://www.newstatesman.com/culture/art-design/2015/09/there-s-no-such-thing-celt-s-why-we-had-invent-them

(Accessed, June 15th, 2018)

Video

Cunningham, Phil (2011) The World Accordion to Phil. BBC 2 Scotland.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ulvgVixij_I

(Accessed, June 7th, 2018)

Folk Britannia (2006) BBC Documentary. BBC Four.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jM8IHRu7d50

(Accessed, June 5th, 2018)

Images

Image 1: Diagram of the four different definitions and uses of the term ‘Celtic’.

Image 2: DNA map of the British Isles.

Devlin, Hannah (2015) Genetic Study Reveals 30% of White British DNA has German Ancestry. The Guardian.

https://www.theguardian.com/science/2015/mar/18/genetic-study-30-percent-white-british-dna-german-ancestry.

(Accessed June 5th, 2018)

Images 3: Celtic Moods. (CD) (1995) Various artists. Virgin Records.

https://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dpopular&field-keywords=Celtic+music&rh=n%3A229816%2Ck%3ACeltic+music

(Accessed June 5th, 2018)

Images 4: The Celtic Chillout Album. (CD) (2002) O’Donnall, Ryan, O’Donnall Rachel. Decadence Records.

https://www.amazon.co.uk/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dpopular&field-keywords=Celtic+music&rh=n%3A229816%2Ck%3ACeltic+music

(Accessed June 5th, 2018)

Images 5: Mayor, Simon (1998) New Celtic Mandolin: tips, tunes & techniques: new directions for the traditional player. Acoustics Publishing.

https://www.amazon.co.uk/New-Celtic-Mandolin-directions-traditional/dp/095227762X/ref=sr_1_cc_1?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1536951377&sr=1-1-catcorr&keywords=New+Celtic+Mandolin

(Accessed June 5th, 2018)

Images 6: Walsh, Tommy & O’Callahan, Niall. (1997) The Irish Bouzouki. Waltons Publishing.

https://www.amazon.co.uk/Irish-Bouzouki-Tommy-Walsh/dp/1857200705/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1536951395&sr=1-1&keywords=Irish+bouzouki

(Accessed June 5th, 2018)

Image 7: Black Fen Folk Club website front page.

http://www.blackfenfolkclub.com

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 8: Mayflower Folk Club website front page.

https://www.mayflowerfolkclub.org.uk

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 9: Cambridge Folk Club website front page.

https://cambridgefolkclub.co.uk

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 10: North Norfolk folk music directory website front page.

http://www.norfolkfolk.co.uk

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 11: Suffolk folk music directory website front page.

https://www.suffolkfolk.co.uk/links.html

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 12: Norfolk folk culture hub website front page.

https://www.mainlynorfolk.info/folk/

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 13: Traditional music and local history website front page.

https://www.mustrad.org.uk

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 14: The Session - Irish traditional music website front page.

https://thesession.org

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 15: Sherringham Shantymen group website

http://shantymen.com

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Image 16: Nelson’s Shantymen group website

http://www.nelsons-shantymen.co.uk

(Accessed June 20th, 2018)

Bibliography

Alberro, Manuel. (2008) ‘Celtic Legacy in Galicia’. In:Volume 6: 1005-1034 The Celts in the Iberian Peninsula. Center for Celtic Studies, University of Wisconsin-Milwauke.

Bithell, Caroline, Hill, Juniper (eds) (2014) The Oxford Handbook of Music Revival. Oxford University Press.

Bohlman, Philip. (1988) ‘The Study of Folk Music in the Modern World’. Indiana University Press.

Clayton, M. Herbert, T. & Middleton, R. (eds) (2003) ’The Cultural Study of Music: a Critical Introduction’. Routledge Publishing.

Broadwood, L, E. Sharp, C, J. (1908) ‘Some Characteristics of English Folk-Music’.

Folklore Journal, Vol. 19, No. 2. Taylor & Francis Ltd Publishing.

Feintuch, Burt. (2006) ‘Revivals on the Edge: Northumberland and Cape Breton: A Keynote’. Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 38. International Council for Traditional Music Publishing.

Finnan, Ruth. (2007) ‘The Hidden Musicians - Music Making in an English Town’. Wesleyan University Press. Middletown, Connecticut.

Francmanis, J. (2002) ‘National Music to National Redeemer: The Consolidation of a 'Folk-Song' Construct in Edwardian England’. Popular Music. Cambridge University Press.

Gregory, D, E. (2008) ‘Before the Folk-Song Society: Lucy Broadwood and English Folk Song, 1884–97’. Folk Music Journal, Vol. 9, No. 3. English Folk Dance & Song Society Publishing.

Hobsbawn, Eric. (1992) ‘The Invention of Tradition’. Cambridge University Press

Humphries, Mary (2009) ‘Folksongs Collected in Cambridgeshire’. Hedingham Fair Publishing.

Keel, Frederick. (1948) ‘The Folk Song Society 1898-1948’. English Folk Dance and Song Society Publishing.

Kempson, Ruth and Howes, Christine and Orwin, Martin, (eds.), (2013) Language, Music and Interaction. London: College Publications.

Ling, Jan. (1986) ‘Folk Music Revival in Sweden: The Lilla Edet Fiddle Club’. In: Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 18. Published by: International Council for Traditional Music

Mallinson, Dave (2006) Popular English Session Tunes: 101 Tunes for Pub Session and Country Dances. Mally Publishing.

Mallinson, Dave (2006) English Pub Sessions and Tunes: 101 Tunes for Pub Session and Country Dances. Mally Publishing.

Meintjes, L. (2003) ‘Sound Of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio’. Duke University Press.

Nicholsen, Michael, D. (2016) ‘File Under Celtic": The Uses and Misuses of a Musical Myth, 1882-1999’. The Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, Vol. 39, No. 2. Canadian Journal of Irish Studies

Pickering, Michael, Robertson, Emma & Korczynski, Marek (2007) ‘Rhythms of Labour: The British Work Song Revisited’. Folk Music Journal, Vol. 9, No. 2. English Folk Dance and Song Society

Porter, James. (1998) ‘Locating Celtic Music (and Song)’. Western Folklore, Vol. 57, No. 4. Western States Folklore Society

Ramnarine , Tina Karina. (1996) ‘Folk Music Education: Initiatives in Finland’. In: Folk Music Journal, Vol. 7, No. 2 . English Folk Dance & Song Society Publishing.

Saunders, William (1928) ‘Sailor Songs and Songs of the Sea’. The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 3. Oxford University Press

Sharp, C, J. (1907) ‘English Folk-Song; Some Conclusions’. London, Simkins & Co.

Slobin, Mark. (2011) ‘Folk Music, a Very Short Introduction’. Oxford University Press.

Sykes, R. (1993) ‘The Evolution of Englishness in the English Folksong Revival, 1890-1914’. Folk Music Journal, Vol. 6, No. 4. Published by: English Folk Dance and Song Society.

Walser, Robert (1998) 'Here We Come Home in a Leaky Ship!': The Shanty Collection of James Madison Carpenter. Folk Music Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4. English Folk Dance + Song Society

Widdess, Richard (2013) 'Schemas and improvisation in Indian music'. In: Kempson, Ruth and Howes, Christine and Orwin, Martin, (eds.), Language, Music and Interaction. London: College Publications.

Wiora, Walter (1949) Concerning the Conception of Authentic Folk Music

Journal of the International Folk Music Council, Vol. 1. International Council for Traditional Music

#Folkmusic EastAnglia Eastanglianfolkmusic Traditionalmusic UKFolkMusic Ethnomusicology

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charlielongclo-blog · 6 years

Text

‘Songbirds and Griot Rappers: The music videos of Oumou Sangaré and Sidiki Diabaté in contemporary Malian youth culture.’

Sidiki Diabate - music of the new generation.

Sidiki is standing on a bridge in a European city looking out over the water below. As his heavily auto-tuned vocals rise and fall over a synthesised chord pattern we hear the percussive clicking of a clave in the sparse arrangement of ‘Inianafi Debena’. The camera cuts back and forth between spinning images of Sidiki on the bridge in bright sunshine and laying on a bed with a female companion. He’s then in a corridor of a studio dancing as the camera picks up on the jewellery he’s wearing. The rings, the watch, the bracelets. Thinking back to the start of the video there were fleeting glimpses of Sidiki playing his kora synced in time with the synth chords, although it is not a kora that we were hearing. This is the only visual clue we have as to his identity or musical origins…

Sidiki Diabaté of the kora-playing Diabaté family is a prominent figure in Malian youth music. Moving away from traditional kora repertoire, Sadiki is making music for the new generation, paying full attention to streaming services and music videos as part of his brand. His image does not seem Malian, but rather influenced by current trends and tropes within the reggaeton genre. In contrast to this, Oumou Sangaré, the songbird of Wassaulou, who has long held a place in contemporary Malian youth music is also paying the same high level of attention to her music videos but with very different outcomes. In this essay I will examine how both artists are presenting themselves and their music in their music videos in an effort to stay current to the Malian youth in the face of the rise of hiphop culture and musical dominance from the USA.

The influence of Reggaeton

Generally attributed as being a music developed in Puerto Rico, Reggaeton is characterised by its identifiable use of a variation of the trecillo rhythm called the ‘Dembow’ which arrived in Puerto Rico through Jamaican Dancehall music. Latin American brass and piano parts are added along with extra percussion, however these parts are not sampled as would be found in music stemming from the hiphop culture. The rapping vocal style and shouted backing vocals are the features however that do come directly from hiphop music, along with the fashion and visual tropes in videos that show a direct influence from the ‘Gangster Rap’ sub genre of hiphop music.

Musically Sidiki Diabaté is most often using reduced forms of the dembow rhythm in a more minimal arrangement which clearly links his music to the reggaeton genre. Visually reggaeton videos follow a series of established tropes which are used by all of the biggest reggaeton artists such as Daddy Yankee, Don Omar, J Balvin, Wisin and Yandel. We can clearly see these in the following images taken from a broad sample online:

Fashion - watches, shoes and jewellery emphasise material wealth.

2. Cars, boats and motorbikes - symbols of speed, power and markers of masculinity.

3. Luxurious surroundings - mansions, home cinemas, swimming pools, large kitchens - all equating to economic success.

4. Night clubs and dancing - promoting an image of spending money and having a good time.

5. Women - as backing dancers with a camera focus on seductive movements, as givers of attention to the ‘star’ of the video or as their object of desire.

6. Slow motion narrative - surrounding the star of the video and one woman, often depicting a problematic relationship that is resolved in the end.

7. Dramatic contrast of colours - strobe lighting, bright colours juxtaposed against black or white, all creating an alternative world in which the video takes place.

In 2017 O’Connor identified that thanks to online streaming platforms we are beginning to see a rise in music from non-anglophone countries achieving success in the pop charts. This is creating a more diverse music scene with new sub-genres and superstars emerging every year (O’Connor, 2017). With this we see the rise in new African music (sometimes mislabelled as ‘hiphop’ or ‘R&B’) sharing the trecillo based rhythms found in reggaeton which could be more accurately labeled as ‘African reggaeton’ or ‘Global Pop’.

By examining more of Sidiki Diabaté’s music videos we clearly find all of the visual elements presented in reggaeton videos:

Fashion and wealth:

2. Cars as a symbol of masculinity:

3. Luxurious surroundings:

4. Nightclubs and dancing:

5. Women as objects of desire:

6. Slow motion relationship narrative:

7. Colour contrasts:

He uses a variation of the reggaeton dembow rhythm, however his tracks are more minimal in arrangement and specifically feature singing rather than rapping, making his music - despite the obvious influence of visual style, not reggaeton. As a hybrid genre itself reggaeton's global evolution and integration has been inevitable (Marshall. 2010), and here we find its visual aesthetic in music videos and main rhythmic elements being taken, not to form localised versions but in creating a global pop sound. Through the visual elements found in reggaeton music videos which take influence from US rap music videos, we see visuals, signs and gestures becoming elements of what Schultz describes as a global black culture, however in the ever widening field of hiphop music I believe the term global hiphop culture more appropriate. The increase in popularity of hiphop music along with its many sub-genres (reggaeton being one) can even see this new music labeled as an all encompassing ‘global pop’ genre with roots in hiphop culture.

We can see further examples of this wider global pop scene in Africa with the artists PSquare (Nigeria) and Sarkodie (Ghana) displaying the same influences from reggaeton videos in their own work which mix rap, trap, reggaeton and pop to make a global pop sound as Sidiki Diabaté:

Cars, boats, jewellery and a power relationship over women all in high quality video format:

The high number of online views of these videos shows that this global pop or global hiphop culture image is popular among the youth of Africa today. However we can clearly see that national or cultural elements are not being represented in the videos or the music to the same degree as in the 1990s and 2000s with musicians such as Salif Keita, Amadou & Miriam and Oumou Sangaré.

The Songbird of Wasulu.

Oumou is walking across a savanna. Our viewpoint flies over her at speed as we then cut to images of wildlife running and more fast, high resolution flying footage. She wears a long dress of African print and is glamorous in jewellery and make up with her hair in braids. The camera shots continue to move all around her, zooming in and out at varying speeds. The visual experience is a mixture of overhead aerial shots, close ups, slow motion, fast cuts and fades. She is the centre of the shot in a different, more formal style outfit as she walks in high heels down a dusty dirt track road and begins her vocals to ‘Fadjamou’…

The video for the track ‘Fadjamou’ comes from her most recent album ‘Mogoya’ (2017) which is an excellent example to compare with Sadiki’s videos as both Malians are approaching modernity and visual representation in different ways. In an interview for ‘Rhythm Passport’ website for this album Oumou shows us her position in the Malian music scene by stating:

‘I have always sung for the youth of my country, especially for women. It is thus in Mali. Traditionally griots and artists- even non-griots – have always had this social role, even if it has been lost a little today.’

The video to ‘Fadjamou’ shows some very clear visual statements.

African clothing, jewellery and accessories:

2. The African landscape:

3. Dancing - a traditional style in an outdoor setting:

4. Power - Oumou is seated on a throne flanked by muscular male attendants, or by bowing females:

5. Gestures - pointing fingers to demonstrate authority:

6. Modern film making - a high budget shown through aerial shots and colour contrasts:

7. Participation - Oumou participates in the dancing and bowl throwing at the end of the video:

In this video we clearly see Oumou Sangaré positions herself in Africa through her visual displays of African traditions such as clothing, dance and the use of the outdoor landscape. However, like Sidiki, Oumou is showing wealth through jewellery and clothing, but also displaying modernity through the high quality video production using fast and varied editing techniques as well as contrasts of colours. Having set the scene as contemporary and African, the main theme of the video is one of power. Oumou positions herself on thrones in the centre of the camera shot, flanked by either muscular male attendants or by submitting females unable to look directly at her. These striking images compliment her extensive use of hand gestures throughout. She is often pointing or waving a finger towards to viewer in gestures of advice or warning. The end of the video sees her more active in the dancing and bowl throwing as a participant and thus someone with authority and knowledge of the practises being demonstrated. With her hand gestures and from her established positions of power and place she is showing she is clearly still someone with a message for the youth to take notice of.

Some of these visual statements can be seen in ‘Kamelemba’ from the same album:

1. Modern urban setting with high resolution cameras and editing:

2. Dramatically contrasting colour contrasts:

3. Dancers performing in a modern interpretive dance style:

‘Kamelemba’ features no visuals of Oumou Sangaré, instead the video follows a group of female dancers in an urban setting. The colours are striking contrasts all shot in high definition and feature dancing, as does ‘Fadjamou’ however none of the symbols of power or position are present due to Oumou’s absence. The message she is telling is very obvious however as it is clearly subtitled in English throughout - the track tackles suicide and dealing with malicious gossip.

Now looking at the third an final example from this album, the track ‘Yere Faga’ sees visual artistic statements between those seen in the videos to ‘Fadjamou’ and ‘Kamelemba’.

1. Power - central elevated stance:

2. Single person narrative - again not Oumou Sangaré:

3. Dance - modern contemporary:

4. Colour contrasts:

5. Gesture:

In this video we see Oumou Sangaré positioned at the top of a mountain of tyres, a powerful and strong position in the centre of the camera shot once again, however she is not the main focus of the video narrative. She is very much the narrator as the video follows another female protagonist who dances as the camera follows, with only fleeting cut backs to Oumou gesticulating with her arms at her surroundings. It is a half way point between the previous two videos as she is clearly and powerfully positioned in fashionable clothes and jewellery in a striking place as in 'Fadjamou’, but she is not the focus of the narrative as in ‘Kamelemba’.

Durán describes Sangaré as ‘formidable[…]she is the ultimate songbird, a true ambassador for Malian women and music’(Durán, 2007. p.g 246) however in the face of the growing popularity of the global pop or hiphop/reggaeton inspired music with the youth in Mali, we could start to see a shift in relevance and popularity. Music made by Sidiki Diabate and his contemporaries is aimed at the younger generation and marketed in their language - one of online videos and streaming consumption, however in an interview in 2017 for the Pan Africa Music website Oumou Sangaré firmly states how her music is relevant for Malians:

‘Daily social news is very inspiring to me[…]Mali is the place that gives me inspiration[…]I want to say that there’s a need to work on African youth’s consciousness…’

And musically she is also highly aware of shifts in popularity, whilst retaining traditional elements of Wasulu music that made her such a star:

‘Electronic music is what makes Africa dance[…]We need to maintain music from the past[…]I was responding to the youth’s desires. And this is just beautiful’.

Conclusion - The Future.

Perhaps the rise in a popularity of more global musical styles is in direct reaction to the success of Wasulu music. Heather Maxwell describes the music as:

‘a rich reservoir of Malian indigenous musical instruments, practices, rhythms, and repertoires, including the youth-harp and vocal music’ (Maxwell, 2008. p.g 52)

Perhaps these musical stylistics of traditional instruments, female vocals and a value of a natural vocal sound has created a space for a counter culture. Music featuring heavily auto-tuned male vocals with overt global fashion and musical influences may be growing in popularity in direct opposition to the music of the Wasulu songbirds like Oumou Sangaré.

This being said however, I believe that there is space for both of these to co-exist in Malian youth culture. Sidiki’s music is focused on a global musical sound and limited Malian musical features, paired with a visual aesthetic seen in his videos that follows the materialistic tropes of reggaeton music videos and fashion. His move away from more traditional forms of Malian music is seen as bold and innovative by some, and in equal part as offensive by others (see appendix for examples) and this novelty clearly gives him popularity with the youth. Oumou Sangaré on the other hand is continuing to be a social voice through her music and is adapting to tastes with a more electronic musical style and wealthy or modern visual aesthetic in her videos. A striking difference between them is that Oumou’s visual displays of wealth or power are purely as a backdrop for her social commentary on Malian society which is still current and relevant. The visuals in Sidiki’s videos are purely cosmetic as they follow global fashion trends but have no relevance or impact on the message in his music further. As these two artists have such opposite intentions and outlooks I see no reason why the two cant share the youth audience and coexist as there are no collisions of artistic intention between them.

Appendix.

Images (with translations by the author) of public comments made on Sidiki Diabaté’s official youtube video pages:

These comments were of use as it became clear that Sidiki’s musical choices divided public opinion. Many comments mentioned his lack of kora playing and recommended he stick to singing love songs or playing the kora. Issues of race were frequently made making negative comment on the light complexion of the female love interest in each of his videos. Finally, I noticed that there was an overwhelming number of people stating where in Africa they were from, with heavy emphasis on not understanding the words but enjoying the music anyway (from those outside Mali). Certain songs received many comments from particular countries more than others- Algeria was one example - and the reason behind this (radio play or different online streaming habits perhaps?) would be interesting to investigate further.

References:

Charry, Eric S. (2000). Mande music : traditional and modern music of the Maninka and Mandinka of Western Africa. Chicago :University of Chicago Press

Durán, Lucy. (2006)’Mali: gold dust by the river’ in The Rough Guide to World Music (3rd edition): Africa and the Middle East.

Marshall, Wayne. (2010) ‘The Rise Of Reggaeton’.

[Accessed online via: https://norient.com/stories/reggaeton/] [Accessed on April 12th 2018]

Maxwell, Heather. (2008). Of Youth-Harps and Songbirds: The Sweet Music of Wasulu. African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music

O’Connor, Roisin. (2017) Online article - ‘Súbeme la mano: How audiences are adapting to non English language Music’

[Accessed via: https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/music/features/reggaeton-popular-international-hits-despacito-daddy-yankee-j-balvin-k-pop-bts-stotify-streams-a8110541.html] [Accessed on April 12th 2018]

Interview excerpts:

Rhythm Passport Website. Oumou Sangaré interview:

http://www.rhythmpassport.com/articles-and-reviews/interview/interview-oumou-sangare-may-2017/

[Accessed on April 23rd 2018]

Pan African Music Website. Oumou Sangaré interview with Vladimir Cagnolami:

http://pan-african-music.com/en/oumou-sangare-mogoya-interview/

[Accessed on April 23rd 2018]

Pictures - Set 1:

1 - Daddy Yankee - El Ritmo No Perdona

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aaomZjmdSUQ]

2 - Daddy Yankee - El Amante

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YY33oEDtJv0]

3, 9 - Daddy Yankee - Gasolina

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5tIIo4VH4Ow]

4 - Don Omar - Danza Kuduro

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=71sqkgaUncI]

5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 14 - J Balvin - Ay Vamos

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TapXs54Ah3E]

7 - Luis Fonzi/Daddy Yankee - Despacito

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kJQP7kiw5Fk]

8 - Nacho/Yandel/Bad Bunny - Báilame

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T7VewKI44rQ]

13 - Daddy Yankee - Romper

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1QzlcmHjTCo]

Pictures - Set 2:

23, 25, 27, 28 - Je Suis Désolé - Sidiki Diabaté

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P0eZEhiJoRg]

14, 15, 16 - Inianafi Debena - Sidiki Diabaté

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DELY4vhQTj8]

17, 18, 30, 21, 29 - Haïdara - Sidiki Diabaté

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zH5eEpeQLWg]

19, 20, 30 - Fais Moi Confiance - Sidiki Diabaté

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ymgO2OZQZfw]

22, 24, 26 - Viens Danser - Sidiki Diabaté

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R64ttkM5z2c]

Pictures -Set 3:

31, 33 - Cuppy Ft. Sarkodie - Vybe

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag_ffZ-OV38]

32 - PSquare Ft. Rick Ross- Beautiful

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F6FEd2-6rt8]

34 - Sarkodie - Revenge of the Spartans

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HcZyUy8RHUw]

Pictures - Set 4:

35 - 51 - Fadjamou - Oumou Sangaré.

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yRPslYICMfw]

52 - 57 - Kamelemba - Oumou Sangaré

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t4eXmjhudb8]

58 - 63 - Yere Faga - Oumou Sangaré

[Accessed via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sg1JqUA5ck4]

Cover Page Pictures:

Oumou Sangaré - Google image search. [accessed on April 24th 2018]

Sidiki Diabaté - Google image search. [accessed on April 24th 2018]

#OumouSangaré #WestAffricanMusic #SidikiDiabaté #Ethnomusicology

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charlielongclo-blog · 6 years

Text

A podcast comparison: ‘This American Life’ and ‘The Art of Manliness’

Introduction:

In this short essay I will be comparing the content and delivery of two podcast series, ‘This American Life’ (TAL) and ‘The Art of Manliness’ (AOM). These two podcasts have been chosen due to their focus on North American content.

Podcasting:

Born out of radio, podcasting has settled down into a ‘pattern of steady growth of niche content and on-demand listening’ (Berry, 2015. p.g 172) in which stylistic conventions from radio are used and adapted as producers have greater freedom over the elements they include in their shows (Markman, 2015). Berry (2015) states that podcasting is unique as it has offered an uncontrolled space where amateurs can compete equally with other media formats, and the AOM podcast series being an example of this makes for an interesting comparison with the public radio funded TAL. Markman (2015) claims that the intimacy of podcasting is key and the role of the host or DJ is very important, so this will be examined when comparing TAL to AOM. Both shows examined in this essay are of the talk show category which will allow for more direct comparisons and conclusions to be made and as Markman states - ‘talk is still king’ (2015. p.g 242)

The Art of Manliness:

AOM is a podcast series made by the men’s lifestyle blog ‘The Art of Manliness’.

Everyday living, practical skills, self development and history cover a wide range of bases and the slightly provocative title makes it noticeable. The podcasts are written and presented by the blog founder Brett McKay with funding generated through the other ventures of the blog as well as through advert sponsorship.

Content:

The podcast is an interview format with the host asking an expert questions about one topic per episode at an average time length of 50 minutes. Each episode features an opening introduction linking the show to the blog and describing the content to come. During the episode there are advert breaks from the sponsors of the podcast which are read by the host and always feature promotional discount codes exclusive to listeners to be used when buying the featured products.

Delivery:

The host’s diction is often very rushed which betrays some oversight in presenting style as these are often in links or advert sections which could easily be re-recorded for more clarity. The podcast is generally well focused with the AOM brand through references to previous articles and inclusive language used by the host - ‘we did a show on this last year’, ‘you will have read the article on the blog…’ and the use of these pronouns invites you into the narrative of the AOM online community, helped with the use of crackly early jazz music clips to wrap the whole experience in nostalgia in keeping with the brand. Where the show stumbles is its content. After listening to a few episodes it becomes clear that everyone interviewed is there to sell a product - most often books - and never give a satisfying amount of content to fit the episode description. Episodes titles ’10 things you should know about…’ fall short after two examples and you are encouraged to go and by the book/film/audiobook for more which becomes irritating.

Advertising: The host endorses every sponsorship product by personally praising it which after a while sound fake and leave you doubting his opinions. AOM uses an established style of radio advert delivery, in line with the distraction hypothesis of using persuasive delivery without interruption (Duncan & Nelson, 1985) however this style stands out as unnatural in comparison to the interviews, leading the listener feeling patronised.

This American Life:

TAL is a public radio funded series hosted by Ira Glass in Chicago USA.

Content:

A broad range of topics in roughly hour long episodes are hosted by one person (like AOM) however they are story based, most often featuring three different sections and storytellers connected to a central theme. The host book-ends the show with introductions and their own stories, and weaves in and out of the narrative throughout, giving clarification and detail in some areas.

Delivery:

The editing is of a much higher standard than in AOM. Voice clips interweave, Glass rewinds sections but the narrative remains coherent. Sometimes there are mistakes in delivery but these are left as he re-reads the line. This deliberately juxtaposes against the production value heard in the editing and gives what Markman noted as a desired sense of liveness to the podcast (2015). At times of low audio clip quality Glass apologises and explains. This honesty creates a feeling of trust which extends towards the show. Like AOM, TAL often uses background jazz music to tie the brand together as North American.

Advertising:

TAL is a public radio station that receives funding from private foundations as well as through online donations, however also uses in-episode sponsors. As heard in the AOM podcast, these are delivered by the host, however Glass is noticeably detached from the products with a careful use of words - ‘they tell me this is the best…’ which retains trust from the audience and can even create humour. Radio advertising has been a topic for debate since the early days of radio with articles by Hettinger on the topic written in the early 1930s. Studies in radio advertising in Chicago in 1928 (Palmer) documented the preference for sport and music over talk shows which we now see has changed drastically, however attention was paid to consumer habits and results showed that people did not like adverts that tried to sell them things - amazingly such questions are still relevant today.

Conclusions:

The AOM podcast is focused and aimed at supporting its own brand. Despite a weakness in content it is an example of the flexibility of the podcast medium and amateur use. It would be improved by creating greater listener trust. TAL is a self contained podcast with a more engaging delivery (mistakes and all) and more care in its promotion of sponsors has a large impact on the positive reception of its content through trust and a live feel leading to increased audience intimacy.

References:

Hettinger, H. (1934) The Journal of Business of the University of Chicago, Vol. 7, No. 4 pp. 283-295. The University of Chicago Press.

Kris M. Markman (2015) Considerations—Reflections and Future Research. Everything Old is New Again: Podcasting as Radio's Revival, Journal of Radio & Audio Media, 22:2, 240-243,

Nelson, J, E. Duncan, P, D. Frontczak, N, T. (1985) Journal of Marketing, Vol. 49, No. 1, pp. 60-71

Palmer, J (1928) The Journal of Business of the University of Chicago, Vol. 1, No. 4 pp. 495-496. The University of Chicago Press.

Richard Berry (2015) A Golden Age of Podcasting? Evaluating Serial in the Context of Podcast Histories, Journal of Radio & Audio Media, 22:2, 170-178,

Images:

All ‘This American Life’ images from the official website:

https://www.thisamericanlife.org

[Accessed on 28/4/18]

All ‘The Art of Manliness’ images from the official website:

https://www.artofmanliness.com

[Accessed on 28/4/18]

#Podcasts Thisamericanlife Theartofmanliness Advertising

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charlielongclo-blog · 6 years

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Exploring how music is experienced in the Cambridge Negaça capoeira group.

He nods at me so I step forward, I am facing my opponent and we both squat down on the pine wood floor and wait. To my right musicians on chairs form one edge of the circle and to my left the rest is made of people standing and watching. A song begins in a language that I do not understand and slowly those standing and watching start to clap in time.

clap, clap-clap, clap, clap-clap, clap…

Another nod as a short musical refrain is played signalling the end of the musical intro. I make eye contact with my partner as we extend arms towards each other and touch palms. Still connected we pull them across to my right, then sweep to the left where we break contact and, going with the momentum we both move into a mirror image low cartwheel taking us to the middle of the circle.

clap, clap-clap, clap…

Capoeira is an Afro Brazilian martial art of stylised combative movements and dance-like expressive elements. It is referred to as ‘playing’ and each interaction as a ‘game’ taking place within a circle of people called a ‘roda’ to musical accompaniment which dictates the speed and style of the games. Each game is a continuum between a fight and a dance ranging from martial styles to expressive dance movements.

Written history began in the 18th c. and theories as to the origins differ greatly, however common belief is that capoeira was an oral tradition developed in the North East of Brazil by escaped slaves as an expression of culture and self defence. Throughout the 19th c. capoeira suffered varying degrees of prohibition however by the early 20th c. its repression eased and in the early 1930s Mestre Bimba created a standardised form of capoeira called ‘Regional’ which focused on martial application with established teaching methods. In contrast to this, Bimba’s contemporary Mestre Pastinha created the more dance like and improvisatory ‘Angola’ style. In the 1970s the ‘Contemporary’ style mixed elements of both. Historically capoeira was practiced by men, however Mestre Bimba first trained women in the 1940s with a large increase in women learning in the 1970s until the present day when there are no gender restrictions.

clap, clap-clap, clap…

I spring up to a standing position and take a step backwards, one arm stretched behind me for balance, the other held horizontally in front at neck height. My partner opts to stay low with a ground movement that breaks our opening mirroring.

clap, clap-clap, clap…

Capoeira Music

The music of capoeira is characterised by the percussive use of the musical bow of African origin called the ‘Berimbau’ alongside the Pandeiro, Ago-go bells and Atabaque.The importance held by the instruments cannot be overstated as it is said that ‘the berimbau became a neutral third party among capoeiristas […]the Berimbau’s music metaphorically became the game’s referee.’(Almeida, B.)

Sung in Portuguese the music starts with a ‘Ladainha’ in which the leader of the ‘orquesta’ sings a solo introduction. Songs are then structured as a ‘quadra’ (four verses with a soloist and chorus response parts) or ‘corrido’ (one to two verse song) and lyrics tell stories from the history of capoeira as well as what is happening in and around the roda at the time of the game.

Respect is paid to the musicians at the mouth of the roda by squatting, waiting for the end of the Ladainha and a signal to be allowed to interrupt the current game and ‘buy’ your own game which is done by extending a hand between the two players to break their physical sequence.

clap, clap-clap, clap…

The thumping regularity of the rhythm is all I can focus on. I try to coordinate my swinging movements of attack and defence in time with the tempo and with my partner without breaking eye contact. A hand shoots between us, breaking the flow and suddenly I’m aware of the room again. I turn to my partner and after a quick embrace I join the circle of onlookers as the next two crouch and begin.

clap, clap-clap, clap…

Methods

A practitioner of capoeira for around two years, I noticed that in my group none are musicians by occupation, and was intrigued enough to examine the music and try to see how they experience and relate to music in capoeira.

´Grupo Negaça (ne-ga-sa) Capoeira, founded on 3rd March 2005 by Mestre Chitãozinho[…] In July 2008 Mestre Chitãozinho brought Grupo Negaça Capoeira to England.´ (Grupo Negaça website, 2017)

Influenced by the close proximity and descriptive style of Louise Meintjes in ‘The Sound Of Africa’ I attended classes and a demonstration at a street fair with the aim of observing and understanding though participation. Questions would have to be asked, but I favoured a semi structured approach to create a relaxed atmosphere as I was already aware of capoeira referred to as a ‘personal journey’. To aid this I advertised my study on the group’s facebook page to show total transparency of intention, I made clear that I would use our capoeira nicknames as identities (a capoeira tradition to keep anonymity) and on request I sent my questions for the group to read in advance.

‘As a student, one must sing and learn to play the instruments, listen carefully to the music and try to understand the meaning beyond the sensory aspects’ (Almeida, B.)

These words by Mestre Acordeon fuelled my curiosity during this study and much like the arc of a kick in the roda I kept circling back to questions of the personal meaning of music in capoeira.

Monitor Urso

The nickname ‘bear’ reflects his strong physique and he plays with both flowing movements and explosive speed which juxtaposes his measured and relaxed speaking voice.

I arrive early and take to a corner of the room. A beginners class is in its final 5 minutes and the rest of us stretch and chat. Music is being played from a phone using an online playlist. The music is in no way attempting to simulate that found in a roda, so what is the purpose? It provides a soundtrack to train to, it kills the silence and it is there as an optional tempo to perform moves to.

I tell Urso about my study and he starts to answer questions so without recording equipment I take advantage of the relaxed atmosphere and start asking the questions that I can remember.

‘Capoeira is a personal journey’ he tells me. ‘Some people are more into the music and the culture and others are into the moves and the physical’. He started capoeira from the purely physical interest and then became interested in the culture and music for a while, but now the music does not interest him so much.

I ask him about learning capoeira music and he tells me he has learnt the music in the past and describes himself as not particularly musical, but able to learn pieces if needed. He’s just lost interest because it involved independent study. He says that as he is not a Portuguese speaker it’s a lot of effort.

‘It’s as a matter of being keen. That lot are keen and do more of the music side of things.’ (He signals to other members of the group now arriving.)

Mill Road winter fair street roda.

We are few but manage to create a semi circle roda and play in front of a large crowd. Two in our group are familiar with many songs and use eye contact to pass leadership between each other and keep the chain of songs from breaking. When unfamiliar with a song one is left to sing the vowel sounds to the tune as best as one can after a few repetitions. This is the way that most people admit to singing the songs the first time they hear them.

We retire to a cafe and the relaxed setting generally allows natural questions amongst the general conversation however for some, the knowledge of being recorded was noticeably off-putting. In hindsight it would be better to record the events afterwards. I adapt to this by recording continuously and following conversational tangents, then steer the conversation back to my semi structured questions.

Pergunta

Her name means ‘question’, reflects her enquiring mind, and after initially evading questions much like her evasive crouching ground game in the roda, Pergunta shines a light on some interesting musical experiences I had missed.

She learns songs online but finds it hard to find the correct rhythm for the lyrics. She explains that the Portuguese language is not an obstacle, instead she sees a lack of formal musical teaching in class as her barrier to full musical participation.

This seems to be painting a picture about private study as a capoeira practitioner which she called ‘active engagement’.

On the role of music she describes what the style of music dictates to the players:

‘…high games, low games, the energy. It sets the pace for the movements’

Most interestingly she points out how in training classes the music is often in the background however when we play we show it the respect as if it were played by real people next to us. We crouch and wait for the rhythmic refrain at the end of the Ladainha before we start to play, regardless of the fact that the music is being streamed from the internet and coming out of a portable speaker.

‘Whatever style the berimbaus call, the capoeirista must play’ (Almeida, B.)

Gelado

He disliked his capoeira nickname for being impersonal and after a small training session with myself and one other we noticed his ability for breakdancing style freezes. His new name means ‘freeze’ or ‘frozen’ which is comical in itself as he plays with great warmth and humour.

Gelado is the first to tell me how essential the link between the music and the physical movements is in capoeira. He talks about the entire culture and stresses how its all connected. He has no other musical experience and expressed that he would feel nervous to sing or play an instrument in public, but not in a capoeira context as it is so essentially linked. On the subject of learning he tells me: ‘until I know the words I listen to the beat.’ Then he conducts private study to learn the lyrics. ‘I enjoy capoeira because of the musical aspect[…] you start with the movements but the culture sucks you in’. On the language question he replies: ‘Not yet’ - but its not seen as a barrier and again this shows an acknowledgement of the longer journey still to come.

Monitor China

Named ‘Chinese’ for a physical resemblance when smiling, China’s flowing horizontal movement and smooth control of his big frame lead to a new association with China the material.

China gives considered and methodical answers to my questions, full of analogies which also come through in his teaching of the beginners class.

‘It’s a big salad of stuff[…] it’s a mish-mash, a salad of many things[…]when you play capoeira with no music, you can’t do it’. He talks about becoming energised by the music in the roda, but also how behaviour with music in training is more loose and in the real games there is much more ritual. The songs contain ‘a lot of implicit stuff[…]you imagine yourself in that scenario’ And on the development of music in our group and the potential to add new elements he says:

‘I think you can do whatever you like, whether other people will respect it is a different question. That’s how things propagate.’ The exchange of ideas and practises is very important, bouncing ideas, music and moves off others at capoeira events, ‘that’s where the evolution happens’.

It seems that the capoeira world evolves and regulates physical and musical practices as an organism in a way that is a relic of its past as an oral tradition. Strict teaching methods like those Pergunta searches for seem absent.

Monitora Coelhinha

Meaning ‘little rabbit’, Coelhinha uses her endless energy to teach multiple children's classes in the area as well as training twice a week with adults. Monitora Coelhinha is very experienced, regularly visiting many capoeira events and she is one of those indicated by Urso as being more musically keen.

Coelhinha supports Gelado’s views on the physical and the culture, only to take it further stating that she can’t separate the music from capoeira. It really affects her physical energy in the roda saying: ‘the music influences what I do and how I feel’. Her own philosophy with the children’s classes is to use lots of music and telling stories, ’we start with music and we finish with music, with personal engagement[…] I want to put in them the curiosity about the music’

On our Mestre: ‘he doesn’t have an approach, he wants to inspire us, he doesn’t want to push us[…] many Mestres force their students[…] Mestre Chitãozinho has the respect for people, to want to inspire them.’

Mestre Chitãozinho.

I address him as ‘Mestre’ and for a long time did not know his real name. Capoeira is like that.

He focuses his teaching in class on enabling all of us to adapt to whatever style of roda is taking place. He values explosive energy and has great acrobatic strength.

He describes his musical philosophy as ‘pulled together from many different pieces’ as he references Socrates, Plato, Voltaire amongst others.

Through his studies of the humanities combined with capoeira he has formed his own beliefs, he is passionate that physically everyone is different with weaknesses and strengths in expressing themselves. He doesn’t push because in doing so he believes that he would ‘more likely be blocking their best route of expression[…]if I know this, then I can drive you on your abilities’ and this is extended to learning the music.

A lot of the wider knowledge I have gathered from the other people in the group is confirmed here, sometimes phrase for phrase, I can clearly see the influence of his teaching and almost trace them like a map.

‘…everywhere I go I try to transmit what I think and feel at the time, to adapt to the surroundings…’

Conclusion

Negaça focuses on individual progression, or the ‘salad-like’ evolution as China called it, as music and movement are fundamentally indivisible in capoeira. Beginners are inspired by more experienced capoeiristas and encouraged to commit their own time to private musical study, to learn the songs and to play the instruments in the best way for them. Music dictates the energy, game meaning and style in the roda, which capoeiristas relate to at different levels depending on interest and experience. The group’s philosophy promotes a personal journey where the practitioner has complete ownership of what they learn and which route they take. These decisions help navigate the biggest roda of all called: 'life’.

Bibliography

Almeida, B. (1986) Capoeira. A Brazilian Art Form. History, Philosophy and Practice. North Atlantic Books. pg. 43, 69, 161

Grupo Negaça Website. http://www.capoeiracambridge.co.uk/about. [Accessed: 28th December 2017]

Murphy, J, P. (2006) Expressing Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Identity. Capoeira: Music, Movement and the legacy of Zumbi. New York:Oxford University Press

Galm, E, A. (2010) Berimbau, Soul of Brazilian Music. University Press Mississippi.

Capoeira, N. (2003) The Little Book of Capoeira. Blue Snake Books/North Atlantic Books

Capoeira, N. (2003) A Street Smart Song - Capoeira Philosophy For Inner Life. Blue Snake Books/North Atlantic Books

Capoeira, N. (2002) Capoeira - Roots of The Dance Fight Game. Blue Snake Books/North Atlantic Books

Henry, C, B. (2008) Lets Make Some Noise - Axé and the African roots of Brazilian Popular Music. University Press of Mississippi.

#Capoeira CapoeiraNegaça CambridgeCapoeira

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charlielongclo-blog · 6 years

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‘Sound of Africa’ - Louise Meintjes. Review

BOOK REVIEW

Louise Meintjes’s ‘Sound Of Africa’ is a detailed study of Zulu Mbaqanga music in a South African recording studio, focusing on an album recording by Izintombi Zesimanje and those directly involved through recording, producing and performing. We the audience are situated with Meintjes in the centre of the studio interactions, frequently taking place in different South African languages while Meintjes constructs meaning and context around these dialogues.

Meintjes gives detailed portraits of the main studio personalities and discusses Zulu musical identity, studio processes, musical trends and wider views of South African social history pre and post apartheid. Meintjes highlights the dichotomy in production emphasis for live guitar (yet heavily relying on artificial instruments), the notion of ‘traditional’ Zulu music making, musical tuning and the differences in product expectations for different markets and the role of ‘overseas’ as a concept. For the majority of the book, the producer West Nkosi is the focus.

Language is a key feature in this book and interweaves throughout. Dialogue is recorded with much of the original speech included in the text, then translated for the readers’ benefit - ‘Vuka! (Wake up!), calls out Tefo’ (p.190) the effect of which shows Meintjes’s value of linguistics in ethnomusicological study, and gives a heightened sense of inclusion to our distanced position as the reader. Meintjes explains how the studio is an environment in which language knowledge and proficiency effects hierarchical structures with frequent quoted discussions between musicians about the correct Zulu translation of a certain phrase and their merit over alternatives. Language is also seen to define individuals ethnically - “..its not iklok” retorts Tefo, “iklok is Sotho” (p. 192) and later with bravado from West at the status attached to language.

Structurally a studio recording format is used that breaks each chapter down into ‘Tracks’ which function as markers of topic, and within each track is divided into different ‘Takes’ which address the topic of the ‘Track’ numerous times but from altering positions. The title ‘Guide Vocal’ is effectively used at the start of chapters to summarise what is to come, alongside ‘Overdub’ and ‘Rewind’ which maintain the structural aesthetic. ‘Overdub’ is used to great effect in one instance to re-examine content with a focus on the women involved as they had been overlooked, however this is short lived as ‘Rewind’ and ‘Rewind Again’ serve only to repeat previous material with very little new insight.

Meintjes uses a varying array of mediums. Detailed descriptions set the scene and contain a mixture of direct and uncredited quotes as part of the narrative. Questions surrounding ‘Zuluness’ or the effect of apartheid break away from this present tense dialogical approach and draw upon literary sources in a more academic style. These moments are necessary to give context to the smaller interactions and Meintjes gives overviews to the nuance imbedded in the multi lingual interactions she presents. While Meintjes frequently offers opinions, her own position within the study is rarely addressed and only briefly discussed: ‘My father is an Afrikaner and my last name is Afrikaans’ (p. 108) This invisible observer position might have practical benefits for reader immersion, however acknowledgement and examination would also have been of interest.

Critically this book suffers from its indulgences which will surely divide opinion. What one reader views as lush description or detailed historical context can be viewed by another as an indulgence that should be edited and more tightly focussed. The seven pages of a single dialogue in the ‘Performing Zuluness’ chapter lean towards the latter. This is exacerbated with vague uses of the structural titles. clearly demonstrated with ‘playback’ which is often a seemingly unconnected vignette or quote.

The concept of dividing into ‘tracks' and ‘takes’ is a pleasing aesthetic, however each revisits the same ground and the lack of new focus loses momentum. This is further affected through the overuse of repetition. ‘The Recording Studio as a Fetish’ chapter is exemplary with an entire half page repeated three further times alongside numerous repeated quotes. Initially it could be seen as a narrative parallel of the re recording process in the studio itself, however this is never mentioned and what feels like a technique used to tie ideas together quickly becomes an agent for frustration.

For all its indulgences into detail and overuse of repetition, the penultimate chapter ‘Imagining Overseas’ shines with focus and concise style as quoted dialogue is balanced perfectly with explanation, summary and a reduced use of repetition to bind it together within its self imposed studio heading structure.

#Bookreview Ethnomusicology Africanmusic

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charlielongclo-blog · 6 years

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¡Que Viva Changó! -Exploring the popularity of Changó in Cuba.

(Image 1: Changó, dios de trueno)

Background

The transatlantic slave trade saw not only the movement of people from West Africa to the Caribbean and South American continent, but also the spread and evolution of hybrid religious practices stemming from a shared pantheon of Yorùbá deities from Southern Nigeria.

The African Diaspora developed these religious practices across a wide geographical area and under different systems of colonial rule which lead to differences in names and spellings as well as morphing religious with the beliefs with those of the oppressors to guarantee clandestine survival. Here I focus on Cuba where African deities are equated with Roman Catholic saints (Welsh, 2001) and are survived not only in religious practise but in popular music.

Who is Changó?

Known as: Sàngó in Africa, Xangó in Brazil and Changó or Shangó in Cuba, Changó is a strong warrior deity connected to thunder and fire and associated with the colours red and white. Ernesto Pichardo, worshipper and ‘child’ of Changó describes him as:

‘Thunder and lightning. Justice and truth, warrior and king. Dancer, owner of the sacred Bàtá drums, original diviner[…] Excellent strategist in warfare. Excellent governor of people. Always present where there is injustice. Brings order where there is confusion. These are ways in which people describe him[…]’ (Mason & Pichardo, 2009)

His popularity and prominence in Cuban popular music makes me wonder: why Changó? There are many other deities in the pantheons of Cuba’s Santeria and Lucumi, each with their own attributes, powers and ritual, yet Changó stands out.

In ‘Ochun con Changó’ Celia Cruz very clearly describes the deity and her feelings towards him:

Él es el macho fuerte siempre de rojo y blanco

He is the strongest always in red and white

Con su espada en la mano guerrero y emperador

With his sword in hand warrior and emperor

Oshun con Changó, Changó con Oshun

Oshun with Changó, Changó with Oshun

Ellos son mis orishas y yo los quiero a los dos

They are my orishas and I love them both

Akínyemi defines Changó as one of the most powerful and universally worshipped Yorùbá deities in the (African) Diaspora, and goes on to explain his multi faceted traits that could be attributed to causing this:

‘…the prestigious position that Sàngó [Changó] occupies among the Yorùbá people stemmed from his association with Òyó royalty and the institution of kingship, his specialised divination system[…] his commitment to social justice, his association with thunder and lightning, his military might and pursuit of the two main themes of a warrior culture - prowess and honour - both of which his devotees believed were part of the reason he did an enormous variety of things towards their improvement and for humanity in general’ (Akínyemi, 2009)

This gives insight into Changó’s position and appeal within the pantheon but does not explain his particular popularity in Cuba.

In ‘Saludo a Changó’ Company Segundo covertly refers to Changó as papa (father) singing: ‘Pa saludar a papá ‘ - say hello to father - meaning Changó. This reference could be easily missed were it not for the closing refrain where he sings: ‘Obaé obayana yana’ which is in the Yorùbá language and translates as ‘my father is here’. Religious practices often use African derived languages and this use of Yorùbá acts as a coded reference, aligning him to these practices. It is hidden to those who do not understand it, but an obvious statement to those who do, hiding in plain sight.

Orisha Royalty?

Although not explicitly a leader of the other deities, Changó has an elevated status often described as regal:

‘…in the diaspora, where Sàngó [Changó] is syncretised as Saint Barbara (as in Cuba)[…] his association with Òyó royalty is still recognised, and he is subsequently accorded royal respect[…] he is regarded as the divinity of thunder and lightning[…] and he dances to the rhythm of the Bàtá drum beaten in a virile, warlike, dignified and kingly fashion.’ (Akínyemi, 2009.)

Could this royal association be the source for his popularity? The evidence within songs does not suggest so. Although he is described as having royal status by scholars with regard to ritual practise, there is no evidence of this in popular Cuban music which could explain his popularity there.

In ‘Changó ta veni’ Celia Cruz sings enthusiastically in a major key uptempo track that demonstrates excitement at his arrival, however there is no further lyrical elaboration as to specifically why this is:

Con el machete en la mano tierra va temblar

With machete in hand the earth will tremble

Changó ta veni

Changó is coming

The Power of Changó

Changó has control of thunder, lightning and fire which as strong elements undoubtedly give a certain appeal, however his power also extends past this. Changó has the ability to resolve all kinds of human problems (both spiritual and physical) through his mysterious and mythical power. His superhuman nature is demonstrated in his military might and ability to provide physical protection for his followers’ (Akínyemi, 2009)

The group N.G La Banda appeal to this power in their song ‘Papa Changó’ where the lyrics to their heavily rhythmic track state:

¡Que miedo que volverias!

How scary it is that you could return!

Papa Chango […]

Father Changó[…]

Darme la luz mi padre, darme la luz […]

give me the light my father, give me the light […]

a matar muchos enemigos […]

to kill many enemies […]

So we can see here how the physical power of Changó is appealing and called upon in a devotional way in the song. However the request of powerful help has not only been asked for in the immediate present for dispatching enemies; the history of slavery itself can be seen as just cause for people to turn to Changó for help and guidance:

‘The protective power of Sàngó is well recognised and appreciated by his devotees in the Diaspora. Since Sàngó worshippers in the New World developed from a background of slavery in an atmosphere of bondage and suffering, the deity is often called upon in their chants as an instrument of deliverance.’ (Akínyemi, 2009)

The suffering through slavery that brought these deities to Cuba demonstrates why a powerful deity like Changó would be held in high regard as a saviour for the oppressed. However we can attribute this to Changó’s survival in the New World, but it still doesn’t account for his popularity., the reasons for which are more specific.

Musical heritage as cultural identity.

So still the question remains: Why Changó?

To answer this we need to look at cultural heritage, preservation and reinvention in Cuba.

The slave trade brought people and with them their religious belief systems also made the Atlantic crossing. As Lovejoy explains:

‘Easily identifiable cultural icons, such as Bàtá drums, can reveal the conscious efforts of people to reestablish institutions of their homeland, even if only in symbolic and ritualised forms associated with religion, in this case òrìshà worship’ (Lovejoy, 2009)

And with this, most importantly:

‘Bàtá drums in Cuba also have an important relationship to Changó in that they belong to him’ (Lovejoy, 2009)

In Cuba, programs such as the government funded Casa de las Américas strengthened pan-Caribbean and pan-African cultural links through arts preservation and economic support.

‘Cuba is exceptional in the Spanish Caribbean in the degree of attention it has given to its links - historical, cultural and ideological - with Africa.’ (Pacini Hernandez, 1998)

And this even saw the ministry of culture elevate the status of Rumba to a national cultural symbol.

‘Rumba[…]has emerged as a national symbol of twentieth century Cuban society’ (Payne Daniel, 1991)

Through the use of bàtá drums Rumba is heavily connected to Changó so in effect, Changó was being promoted yet hidden in plain sight under the guise of Rumba music and dance.

We can see this clearly in tracks like ‘Elube Changó’ by the Afro Cuban Allstars, ‘Que viva Changó’ by Lazarito Valdés and ‘Highway One (Changó’s Dance)’ by the Bobby Matos Afro Cuban Jazz Ensemble. These all display Rumba musical features, either in vocal call and response style, harmony, the use of the rumba clave or in more general polyrhythmic rhythm parts. All of these reference Changó in their titles, yet don’t describe or make a devotion to him. He is the focus through the Rumba musical features which are integral to the tracks which clearly supports the idea that with the promotion of Rumba naturally came the promotion of Changó which can explain such a level of his popularity.

Machismo and Changó?

Leaving aside the influence that the promotion of Rumba and black Cuban culture had on the popularity of Changó for a moment, can we see any influence from wider Cuban society?

Often described as ‘machismo’, could the cultural landscape of Cuba of had a natural affinity with the virile and strong warrior deity Changó?

‘…an atmosphere of lingering machismo - the emphasis on being a male, male virility, superiority of men over women. Men are still the dominant group in Cuba. Notions of superiority and defence are embedded in their attitudes and behaviours and both men and women are products of an historic machista culture.’ (Payne Daniel, 1991)

We cannot debate the nature of the culture, only to say that yes on an individual basis Changó might have an appeal due to his ‘macho’ qualities, however we know that African deities were hidden in Cabildo worship by merging or disguising them as Catholic saints based on common features of iconography or traits, e.g the virgin Mary wears blue and white clothing and so does the sea deity Yemayá, so they are paired together through their shared colours. Changó is paired with Saint Barbara who is a patron saint of the military in Catholicism and is often depicted wearing red and with lightning behind her. The military focus, red colour and lightning were enough to merge her with Changó in forced cabildo worship, but we can clearly see that Saint Barbara is female and Changó is male, yet this is not addressed as an issue.

(Image 2: Saint Barbara and Changó)

In the Cuban classic ‘Santa Barbara’ by Celina y Reutilio y Su Conjunto Tipico (with many other artists’ versions available) we see the lyrics weighing heavily towards the Saint in the verses, only to name Changó in the chorus:

Virgen venerada y pura, Santa Bárbara bendita

Revered and pure virgin, blessed Saint Barbara

Nuestra oración favorita, llevamos hasta tu altura

Our favourite prayer, we rise up to your height

Que vive Changó

Changó lives

This use of both clarifies that they are merged as the same deity which dismisses claims that the popularity of Changó in Cuba is purely the result of the machismo culture, as the female saint and the male warrior deity are inextricably linked.

The Form of the Orishas

Finally, the nature of Changó as an entity must be recognised. As well as his physical abilities we need to take into account the Orisha system itself. All Orishas are connected in the pantheon when they ‘become active in the realm of others’. (Mason & Pichardo, 2009) So in this sense their strength and popularity can be seen as mutually dependent. Changó also has the very specific elemental traits of lightning and fire which Mason & Pichardo see as ever changing:

‘Since fire is associated with Changó, take that as an example. fire has not changed. Fire is fire, but its manifestation has changed and will continue to change…(about fully knowing Changó) You can never master it because it is always taking on new forms that make you go right back to square one[…]The influence of Changó’s blessings will vary[…] not in principle but in form.’ (Mason & Pichardo, 2009)

Conclusion:

‘The worship of Sàngó in the New World has thus become a strategy for survival and for freedom. Therefore, the deity is seen in the Diaspora as a national heroic symbol as well as a protective spiritual leader’ (Akínyemi, 2009)

Alongside this statement I argue that Changó has survived thanks to hiding and merging with the image of Saint Barbara, the ever changing forms his elements can manifest in and the strength of a co dependent pantheon of deities he belongs to. Changó has thrived under promotion as part of a Cuban cultural identity through Rumba music, as well as having a place as a spiritual link across the wider Caribbean and in Brazil thanks to his African roots.

Here I show the multiple possible routes that lead to Changó and thus his popularity in Cuba.

I call it ‘El Camino a Changó’ -(The route/way to Changó):

(Image 3: El Camino a Changó’)

The hip hop group ‘Orishas’ promote their identity as Cubans through their music and their song ‘Canto Para Elegua y Changó’ devotes a verse to Changó. The song shows Chango´s representative colours, connection to Saint Barbara, strength and guidance, the diversity of these come together to show why he is so popular:

Blanco y rojo represento[…]

White and red I represent[…]

Santa Bárbara bendita es tú Changó […]

Blessed Santa Bárbara is you - Changó[…]

Fuerza, esperanza, en ti confianza, con tu espada avanza[…]

Strength, hope, trust in you, with your sword advancing[…]

Guía por el bien camino a tus hijos, como yo[…]

Guide the way to your children, like me[…]

However I believe the most important of these features that have insured Changó’s popularity are his link to Rumba music and cultural identity. All bàtá drums are Changó’s and the inclusion of these drums in Rumba music means that his legacy will always continue as long as the musical tradition survives. With the government promotion of Rumba as a national symbol of Cuba, Changó’s fingerprint or DNA is promoted implicitly through music which strengthens Changó as part of a Cuban/Caribbean/African identity. It is perhaps more accurate to invert the visual image and in place of routes leading to Changó, in fact see the stretching reach that he spans.

(Image 4: ‘The Reach of Changó’)

References.

Audio Tracks:

Afro-Cuban Allstars - Elube Changó

Accessed online at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rMTw0TLdTx8

Bobby Matos Afro Cuban Jazz Ensemble - Highway One (Changó’s Dance)

Accessed online at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K5NLjKHFUY0

Lazarito Valdés - Que viva Changó

Accessed online at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uy10PcV-qZg

Bibliography:

Akínyemi, A. (2009) The Place of Sàngó in the Yorùbá Pantheon. In Tishken, J, E. Fálolá, T. & Akínyemi, A. (Ed.) Sàngó in Africa and the African Diaspora. Indiana University Press. (p. 24, 26, 32, 34, 35, 37)

Atwood Mason, M. Pichardo, E. (2009) Searching for Thunder: a Conversation About Changó. In Tishken, J, E. Fálolá, T. & Akínyemi, A. (Ed.) Sàngó in Africa and the African Diaspora. Indiana University Press. (p. 328, 331, 336,

Hernandez, D, P. (1998) Dancing With The Enemy: Cuban Music, Race, Authenticity, and the World-Music Landscape. Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 25, No. 3, Race and National Identity in the Americas. (pg. 110 - 125)

Lovejoy, H, B. (2009) Drums of Sàngó: Bàtá Drum and the Symbolic Reestablishment of Òyó in Colonial Cuba, 1817-1867. In Tishken, J, E. Fálolá, T. & Akínyemi, A. (Ed.) Sàngó in Africa and the African Diaspora. Indiana University Press. (p. 289, 286)

Payne Daniel, Y. (1991) Changing Values in Cuban Rumba. A Lower Class Black Dance Appropriated by the Cuban Revolution. Dance Research Journal, Vol. 23, No. 2. (p. 1-10)

Welsh, D, B. (2001) Voice of Thunder, Eyes of Fire: In Search of Change in the African Diaspora. Dorrance Publishing Co. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. (p.113, 138-139)

Discography:

Celina y Reutilio y Su Conjunto Tipico. A Santa Barbara. ’Santa Barbara’ Discos Fidel. 2015. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B015LZAPEE/ref=sr_1_1_rd?_encoding=UTF8&child=B015LZAQIO&qid=1515888474&sr=1-1%3C/a%3E

Company Segundo, Colección. ’Saludo a Changó’ WM Spain. 2012. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/gp/product/B006NQF4QK/ref=dm_ws_sp_ps_dp

Cruz, C. 2En1. ’Ochun Con Changó’ Universal Music Digital Services. 2017. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B06VY9NWKF/ref=sr_1_2_rd?_encoding=UTF8&child=B06WGVLLQL&qid=1515888381&sr=1-2%3C/a%3E

Cruz, C. Celia Cruz:The Essential. ’Changó Ta Veni’ Lets Go Home Records. 2017. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B06WD5MPB9/ref=sr_1_1_rd?_encoding=UTF8&child=B06VWRQCWS&qid=1515888081&sr=1-1%3C/a%3E

N.G La Banda. Cuba Classics 3: Diablo Al Infierno! ‘Papá Changó’ Luana Bop. 1992. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/gp/product/B00G71DT0E/ref=dm_ws_sp_ps_dp

Orishas. A Lo Cubano. ’Canto Para Elegua y Changó’ EMI France. 2003. Mp3

Accessed online at: https://www.amazon.co.uk/Lo-Cubano-Orishas/dp/B001J9JG60/ref=sr_1_1?s=dmusic&ie=UTF8&qid=1515888657&sr=1-1-mp3-albums-bar-strip-0&keywords=orishas

Images:

Image 1:

Changó, dios de trueno

Available at: https://www.cibercuba.com/lecturas/chango-dios-del-trueno

[Accessed January, 13. 2018]

Image 2:

Martinez, A. (2011) Día de Santa Barara, Changó. Chango y Santa Barbara.

Available at: http://www.cubaenmiami.com/dia-de-santa-barbara-chango/

[Accessed January, 13. 2018]

Image 3:

El Camino de Changó’ - Author’s own image.

Image 4:

The Reach of Changó - Author’s own image.

#Orishas Cuba Chango Ethnomusicology CubanMusic Music

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