The beginning of a field of inquiry into the linguistic landscape of Juta street of central Johannesburg, Braamfontein.
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Bottom-up signage after Melle street.
*Take note of the contact details. Indication of the signage being top-bottom. Where the ideal is seen in the name of the shop sign but the real being an actual location offered in the sign.
mabonengplaceofplight, interesting observation, but as a sign located in a site of necessity, the use of Coca cola branded signage is typical and indicative of the materiality of as a low cost investment. Also although Coca Cola is a transnational corporation with a huge more authoritative and economic power than others they operate outside state/government jurisdiction of signage. Which would still make their signs and signs such as this bottom up.
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This is a bottom-up sign for a shop after Melle street intersecting Juta. In contrast to the signs advertising shops before Melle street, the signs seen after Melle are contextualised as signs in a site of luxury.
A typical feature of a sign in a site of luxury is that they serve to inform the potential buyer of the product(s) on offer - in this case clothing.
A salient feature of this sign is the multimodality of the sign combination of both written language and graphic representation of the seller’s resources; where the articles of clothing are captioned along with visual illustrations of those items.
Multilingualism is denoted by the use of French in ‘Bale Veng’ (as identified by the shop assistant) and English.
Suggestively, French is used as a language of preference which is denoted by the font size (capitalized), the font colour (red) and the bold typeface.
English is represented underneath the French language, using a much smaller font and a different colour. Beneath that is another English representation of a much smaller font and different colour.
These structural features create a semiotic effect both on a informational level and symbolic level.
Symbolically it may represent the individuality of the owner (French as a language of associated with sophistication, nationality etc) and the employment of English as a language of aspiration or modernity.
These inferred aspirations as well as the products being sold are endorsed by the visuals.
Noted is the contact details of the shop and owner written on the sign. The sign suggestively signifies the relationship between the buyer and the seller.
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Bottom-up advertising shop signage after Melle street.
As a shop located on the dialogical end of upmarket Juta street, the shop along with its sign is identified as a site of necessity. Typical of signs in this context, is that they offer everyday products and services, in this instance being hair products, extensions (pieces) and related accessories).
The informational structure of the first part of the sign includes the name of the of the shop and the second part includes the name on the left and graphic representations of models (with relevant hair products).
The structural information along the horizontal axis of the second board make up the dimensions of left which relays Given information and the right which relays the New.
The real information on the left includes (Given) generalized information already known to the reader “a shop which sells hair extensions’. While the information on the right (New) includes graphical representations of young models of a specific ethnicity who are adorned in the shop’s products.We therefore read the sign as referring to the informational value of informing buyers/readers of the products and the New which is suggestive of the intended audience and the result or quality of the products used.
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Bottom-up signage after Melle street.
A multilingual discourse exists in this sign which includes English and Afrikaans, which serves both an informational function and a symbolic function.
The sign can be read structurally from vertical composition and horizontal composition as well, to deduce a language ideology.
Informatively; the sign serves to communicate the name of the business; “Lubbe & Meintjies”, the services they offer as “transcribers’ as well as their contact details in English (the name of the business being Afrikaans surnames); a language which may serve a communicative function to English speakers. All of which are written on the left side of the sign.
On the right hand side salient features include the use of the Afrikaans and the typographical structure, which is in bold letters. While it serves a similar informational function, symbolically it communicates the idiosyncratic values of the owner; suggestively Afrikaans ( (the name of the business being Afrikaans surnames) and the group of people they may render services to.
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Bottom-up signage after Melle street.
*Take note of the contact details. Indication of the signage being top-bottom. Where the ideal is seen in the name of the shop sign but the real being an actual location offered in the sign.
mabonengplaceofplight, interesting observation, but as a sign located in a site of necessity, the use of Coca cola branded signage is typical and indicative of the materiality of as a low cost investment. Also although Coca Cola is a transnational corporation with a huge more authoritative and economic power than others they operate outside state/government jurisdiction of signage. Which would still make their signs and signs such as this bottom up.
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Juta street before Melle street. The signs in place or context offer an indication of Gentrification (urban renewal)
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Juta street past Melle street. Subsequent signs thereafter collectively, transition to signify a different discourse. Gentrification in progress...
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crosssectionofnewjohannesburg
replied to your
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With regard to the type of style of language incorporated in this sign, it seems like they are targeting a more younger crowd. Words such as , ‘woza’ and 'braamies’ are used, which gives us an idea of who the advertisement will appeal to.
Absolutely, primarily also because it’s situated on a student residential building. Also interesting is the language contact between isiZulu; ‘woza’ and the form of English ‘braamies’ to detonate a specific demographic of students.
P.S: In future please respond to posts that are already captioned.
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1) A bottom up advertising sign from South Point student residential building promoting Braamfontein cycling. The sign has multimodal elements such as visual imagery (icons, colours) language contact (combination of forms of English). Purposefully placed above a ramp.
-Double entendre on the phrase “Get geared up!��
-Combination of the word culture and cycle - cyculture, in a typeface that resembles bicycle gears.
- ‘Braamies’ - slang, word that identifies the audience of sign.
-All the above elements function as instrumentalities on an informational level: inform readers of a cycling space in Braamfontein and on a symbolic level: to persuade, to invite intended audience.
2) Bottom up sign of the word Braamfontein in . Each letter with a different colour font and different colour background.
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1) Bottom up sign of Milner Park Hotel and Bar on the corner of 71 Juta street and De Beer street. “Milner Park Hotel’ is in a gold typeface all in upper case letters. The word ‘bar’ is in a bigger font and is enclosed by dots/full stops.
2) Adjacent to Milner Park Hotel and Bar is Kitchener’s Carvery Bar. This a bottom up on a wooden plaque, with an image at the centre that resembles Senior British army officer, Herbert Kitchener. The face of the image is scribbled with a pen/marker.
The names (colonial figures), the plaque, and the typology of the respective signs sign are suggestive of a symbolic memorial association of a colonial discourse.
The presence of the body (security guard) as the social actor of the sign, plays an interactive role with the sign.
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A government regulatory, top down sign for ‘No Hawkers’ (It is a sign that shows an icon of a person selling goods mixed together with the regulatory symbol of “not permitted”). A sign situated at the the corner of De Beer and Juta Street. Beyond the informational function the same symbolically indicates a power differential between the government (supposedly the initiator of the sign) and the individuals regulated by the sign sign (e.g hawkers).
Additionally an inference can be made concerning how the sign itself, has become a space of of negotiation or struggle over the public space of Juta, detonated by the various graffiti and private tags. The context of intent however remains unknown.
*Interesting to note, the concentration of these no hawker signs on Juta street is much greater before the intersection with Melle street than in Juta thereafter. This is a possible indication that the government is in support of this changing area where they are using regulatory signage to enforce the changes occuring.
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Three Advertising billboards above the The Post cafe,at the corner of 70 Juta Street. A bottom up sign that is highly symbolic in nature, due to its structural components of typology; typeface, size of font and visual interactions. All three billboards work cohesively to communicate a prevailing discourse of commercialism and consumerism.
*Important to note is that these signs occur on the “urbanized” side of Juta before the crossing with Melle Street.
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The language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs and public signs on government buildings combines to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban agglomeration
Landry & Bourhis (1997)
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