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drmaqazi · 21 days
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The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts
in so-caled Islamic Republic of Pakistan, which is neither Islamic nor Republic, 
UNFORTUNATELY 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
When Bandial ruled in favor of early elections in Punjab, a number of top judges ruled that PTI’s suo motu request was dismissed on the ground of maintainability. The objection from the judges was based on their understanding that such action should not be taken without consulting all members of the court, and that the issue was pending in provincial courts and didn’t qualify as an issue of public interest.
The ruling coalition is in no mood to implement the top court’s rulings, which it believes may undermine its electoral prospects in the upcoming general elections.
Meanwhile, the ECP has complained that its constitutional authority has been undermined by the Supreme Court as the latter issued a date for Punjab assembly elections without its consent.
To find a way out of the situation, the parliament has tried to enact legislation to curtail the powers of the Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) with regard to unilaterally taking suo motu actions. However, earlier this month Bandial ruled that the bill curtailing the CJP’s powers will remain ineffective even if it becomes law. The ruling virtually undermines the legislature’s ability to do its work.
The situation has gotten to a point where the state seems to be in a revolt against the top judge’s orders over the elections. The State Bank of Pakistan has refused to obey the chief justice’s order to directly allocate funds to the ECP without the parliament’s approval. The Defense Ministry has made it clear that it cannot allocate security personnel as they are busy with military operations across the country. Meanwhile, the government has refused to enter into negotiations with PTI leadership under pressure from the Supreme Court.
This is not the first time that the apex court’s chief justices have tried to intervene in matters that are beyond their remit, undermining the judiciary’s legitimacy and harming Pakistan’s interests at home and abroad.
Rulings by Supreme Court judges have in fact left Pakistan weaker and caused trouble for policymakers and concerns for international investors. One of the most notable examples in this regard is the verdict handed out by former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary in the Reko Diq deal in 2013. The ruling damaged Pakistan’s reputation among investors and cost it financially too.
During his term at the helm, Chief Justice Saqib Nisar gave several controversial verdicts that were beyond his constitutional authority. Not only was Nisar behind the scandalous initiative of establishing a fund to collect donations for the construction of a dam but also, he repeatedly interfered in daily administrative affairs by using suo motu authority of his office to an unprecedented extent.
The Supreme Court is tasked with providing a fair and impartial interpretation of the law. However, its recent decisions have created an atmosphere of uncertainty in the country as citizens are unsure of how these decisions will be implemented. It is now up to the Supreme Court to prove that it can remain impartial and make decisions as per the Constitution rather than politics. Only then can it restore public trust in the judiciary and prevent further damage to the institution and the country.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
The Diplomat
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smqazi · 3 months
Text
The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/23/politics-at-bench-pakistani...
The Diplomat
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bhanustark · 3 months
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Jalandhar by-election- Congress candidate will soon be declared: East-Deputy Mayor Surinder Kaur's name fixed, no election lost till date
Two parties have declared their candidates for the by -election in Jalandhar West light in Punjab. In which BJP has given ticket to former MLA Sheetal Angural and AAP, son of former BJP minister Bhagat Chunni Lal, Mohinder Bhagat. Today, the Congress party is also to be given tickets to former deputy mayor Surinder Kaur, who has been Ajay till date in the election by its Congress. Surinder Kaur’s…
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shayarikitab · 4 months
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novumtimes · 4 months
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Southwest Monsoon Likely To Set In Over Kerala On May 31 Forecasts IMD
Last month, the IMD had forecast above-normal rainfall during the June-September southwest monsoon season. (Image for representation: PTI/File) The IMD said the onset of monsoon is not early but near normal, as the normal date is June 1. Last month, it was forecast that India will witness above-normal rainfall in the June-September rainy season The much-awaited southwest monsoon could make its onset over Kerala on 31st May, according to the India Meteorological Department (IMD). The four-month season is crucial for the agrarian economy of India, which heavily depends on the monsoon rains to provide nearly 75% of the annual rains over the country. The seasonal rains typically set in over the southern tip of India on June 1 with a deviation of around seven days. Last year, the monsoon had set in on 8 June, later than the 4th June prediction by the IMD. This time, the monsoon onset is expected to be near-normal. It’s important to note that the current onset date of June 1 announced by IMD carries a model error of +/-4 days. The latest forecast suggests it could advance into the South Andaman Sea, some parts of the Southeast Bay of Bengal, and the Nicobar Islands around 19th May. This comes as good news after an extremely hot April and May, with record-breaking temperatures being recorded in several states. The monsoon’s advancement over the country in June is set to bring relief from searing heat waves that have taken a toll over large parts of the country. After affecting the eastern and southern states, the unbearable heat has now advanced to Northwest India as well. This year, the weather department has predicted above-normal rains for the country during June to September due to favorable weather conditions. According to the forecast, the monsoon is likely to be 106% of the Long Period Average (LPA) of 87 cm, with a model error of +/-5%. IMD will also issue its second long-range forecast for the monsoon in the last week of May, predicting geographical distribution which varies widely across India. IMD is confident of good monsoon rains this year due to favorable conditions. El-Nino, a scientific phenomenon associated with the warming of the equatorial Pacific Ocean which tends to have an adverse impact on the monsoon rains, is also expected to reduce and transition into neutral conditions, which augurs well for the monsoon. It is likely to further turn into La Nina during the second half of the monsoon around August-September. Meanwhile, above-normal temperatures continue to scorch several states, with Northwest India bracing for another spell of heatwaves around 16th May, with temperatures set to rise by 3-4 degrees Celsius over the next few days. This includes Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, and Rajasthan. Explore in-depth coverage of Lok Sabha Election 2024 Schedule, Voter Turnout, Upcoming Phase And Much More At News18 Website Srishti Choudhary Srishti Choudhary, Assistant Editor at News18, writes on science, environment, climate change, space as well as politics. A self-motivated journalist,…Read More Source link via The Novum Times
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creative9blogs · 5 months
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Election 2024: Punjab's Power Play Unveiled on PunjabKesari.com
As the 2024 elections approach, the political landscape in Punjab is experiencing dramatic shifts and transformations, drawing attention from across India. This detailed analysis on PunjabKesari.com explores the unfolding power play in Punjab's politics, examining the key players, emerging alliances, and significant issues that could influence voter sentiment and the overall outcome of the elections.
Understanding Punjab's Political Dynamics
Punjab, a state known for its rich cultural heritage and agricultural dominance, has always been a significant battleground in Indian politics. The state's political arena is marked by a vibrant democracy and active participation from various parties, including the Indian National Congress (INC), the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Key Political Parties and Their Strategies
Aam Aadmi Party (AAP): Currently in power, AAP has focused on governance reforms, particularly in education and healthcare. The party aims to consolidate its position by highlighting its achievements and promising further development.
Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD): Allied with the BJP in the past, SAD is looking to regain its stronghold among the rural and Sikh communities by focusing on regional issues like farmers' rights and religious autonomy.
Indian National Congress (INC): With a historical presence in Punjab, the INC is rebuilding its strategy around experienced leadership and a promise of stability, aiming to recapture its traditional voter base.
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): Seeking to expand its footprint in Punjab, the BJP is leveraging national-level policies and its development agenda, attempting to attract urban voters and younger demographics.
Emerging Issues and Voter Concerns
Several issues are shaping the political narrative in Punjab as the elections near:
Agricultural Reforms: Following the controversial farm bills, the focus on agricultural policies remains high, with parties advocating for the rights and welfare of farmers.
Economic Growth: Amidst global economic challenges, strategies for boosting Punjab's economy are crucial, with special emphasis on industrial development and job creation.
Drug Abuse and Crime: Long-standing issues of drug abuse and related crime are critical talking points, with promises of stringent actions and rehabilitation programs.
Water Disputes: With neighboring states, water rights continue to be a sensitive issue, influencing the political and social landscape in Punjab.
Importance of Youth Voters
Youth voters in Punjab represent a dynamic and critical demographic. Their concerns about employment, education quality, and social issues are driving parties to tailor specific policies and promises to appeal to this group.
Predictive Analysis: Who Will Dominate Punjab?
While it is challenging to predict the exact outcome of the elections, current trends suggest a highly competitive race. AAP might continue to leverage its governance model, while SAD and INC could focus on regional pride and traditional values to sway voters. The BJP’s strategies will likely hinge on broader nationalistic themes and economic promises.
Conclusion: The Stakes Are High
The 2024 Punjab elections are not just about which party wins but also about setting the direction for the state’s future. With high stakes involved, every party is putting its best foot forward, making Punjab's power play a critical watch for anyone interested in the dynamics of Indian politics.
Why PunjabKesari.com is Your Go-To Source for Election News
For comprehensive coverage, in-depth analysis, and up-to-date news on Punjab’s elections, PunjabKesari.com remains your most reliable source. Our dedicated team ensures that you stay well-informed about every development, helping you understand the intricate power plays that define Punjab’s political landscape.
Stay tuned to PunjabKesari.com for more updates and detailed analyses of what promises to be one of the most exciting and decisive electoral battles in the history of Punjab.
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indiaepost · 5 months
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DRUGS, CASH AND OTHER VALUABLES WORTH RS- 321.51 CRORE SEIZED SINCE ENFORCEMENT OF MCC IN PUNJAB: CEO SIBIN C
Chandigarh:  In an endeavor to preserve the sanctity of the electoral process, enforcement agencies in Punjab have conducted extensive operations, resulting in the confiscation of cash, liquor, drugs, precious metals and freebies valued at Rs 321.51 crore since the implementation of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) for the Lok Sabha elections on March 16, till date.           Chief Electoral…
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fettleandsports · 6 months
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BCCI ANNOUNCES THE FULL SCHEDULE OF TATA IPL 2024
The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) released the full schedule of the ongoing TATA Indian Premier League 2024 IPL on Monday. 
On February 22, 2024, the BCCI had announced the schedule for the first two weeks (21 matches), and the remainder of the schedule had been drawn up, factoring in the polling dates and venues for the upcoming Lok Sabha Elections across the country.
In the second phase, Delhi Capitals will play all their remaining five home matches in front of their enthusiastic home crowd at the Arun Jaitley Stadium in Delhi after opting to play their first two home matches in Visakhapatnam.
Punjab Kings, who commenced their season at the PCA New International Cricket Stadium in Mullanpur, will culminate their home campaign in Dharamsala. The scenic stadium offering breathtaking views will be the home to PBKS, hosting two matches on May 5th and 9th against Chennai Super Kings and Royal Challengers Bengaluru, respectively.
Rajasthan Royals too have opted for a second venue in Guwahati and will play their final two home matches in Assam. They will first host Punjab Kings on May 15th and later play Kolkata Knight Riders on May 19th, which will also mark the conclusion of the league stage of the 17th season of IPL.
After a break on May 20th, the spotlight will shift to Ahmedabad’s Narendra Modi Stadium as the world’s biggest cricket stadium hosts an electrifying Qualifier 1 clash featuring two top-ranked sides on Tuesday, May 21st, followed by the exciting Eliminator on Wednesday, May 22nd.
Similarly to the season opener, the Qualifier 2 and the grand final will take place in Chennai, the home turf of reigning champions Chennai Super Kings. Qualifier 2, to be played between the loser of Qualifier 1 and the winner of the Eliminator, will take place on Friday, May 24th, followed by the summit clash on Sunday, May 26th.
The cricketing extravaganza that captures the imagination of millions is back with a bang as IPL 2024 promises to deliver yet another season of pulsating action, drama, and glory. With the full schedule released and anticipation reaching a fever pitch, fans are gearing up for what promises to be an unforgettable journey through the world of T20 cricket.
The Schedule Unveiled: The IPL 2024 season kicks off with a flurry of excitement as teams lock horns in a battle for supremacy. From the opening match to the grand finale, every fixture is packed with anticipation, showcasing the finest talents in the cricketing world. With matches scheduled across various iconic venues, fans can expect a rollercoaster ride of emotions as their favourite teams vie for ultimate glory.
Playoffs and Finals: As the league stage concludes, the excitement only intensifies with the onset of the playoffs. The top teams battle it out in nail-biting encounters, striving to secure their spot in the coveted final. The playoffs promise high-stakes cricket, where every run and wicket holds the key to victory. Finally, the stage is set for the grand finale, where two teams clash in a showdown for the ages. With the ultimate prize within reach, the tension is palpable as players give their all in pursuit of IPL glory.
Venues and Timings: IPL 2024 takes cricket fans on a journey across some of the most iconic venues in the country. From the historic Eden Gardens to the state-of-the-art stadiums in Mumbai and Chennai, each venue adds its unique flavour to the IPL experience. Moreover, with matches scheduled at convenient timings in IST, fans can catch all the action live from the comfort of their homes or cheer their favourite teams from the stands.
Full List of Matches: The IPL 2024 schedule features a plethora of matches, each offering its own share of thrills and spills. From classic rivalries to exciting face-offs between new contenders, every match promises edge-of-the-seat entertainment. Whether it's a clash between the defending champions and the underdogs or a battle of the titans, cricket fans can expect an adrenaline-fueled spectacle like never before.
Excitement of cricket with Fettle and Sports, your ultimate companion for all things IPL and cricket. Stay updated with in-depth coverage of IPL matches.
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latestmatchupdates · 6 months
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BCCI Announces The Full Schedule Of TATA IPL 2024
IPL 2024 Full Schedule: The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) released the full schedule of the ongoing TATA Indian Premier League 2024 (IPL) on Monday. On February 22, 2024, the BCCI had announced the schedule for the first two weeks (21 matches), and the remainder of the schedule has been drawn up, factoring in the polling dates and venues for the upcoming Lok Sabha Elections across the country.
In the second phase, Delhi Capitals will play all their remaining five home matches in front of their enthusiastic home crowd at the Arun Jaitley Stadium in Delhi after opting to play their first two home matches in Visakhapatnam.
Punjab Kings, who commenced their season at the PCA New International Cricket Stadium in Mullanpur, will culminate their home campaign in Dharamsala. The scenic stadium offering breathtaking views will be the home to PBKS, hosting two matches on May 5th and 9th against Chennai Super Kings and Royal Challengers Bengaluru, respectively.
Rajasthan Royals too have opted for a second venue in Guwahati and will play their final two home matches in Assam. They will first host Punjab Kings on May 15th and later play Kolkata Knight Riders on May 19th, which will also mark the conclusion of the league stage of the 17th season of IPL.
After a break on May 20th, the spotlight will shift to Ahmedabad’s Narendra Modi Stadium as the world’s biggest cricket stadium hosts an electrifying Qualifier 1 clash featuring two top-ranked sides on Tuesday, May 21st, followed by the exciting Eliminator on Wednesday, May 22nd.
Similarly to the season opener, the Qualifier 2 and the grand final will take place in Chennai, the home turf of reigning champions Chennai Super Kings. The Qualifier 2, to be played between the loser of Qualifier 1 and the winner of the Eliminator, will take place on Friday, May 24th, followed by the summit clash on Sunday, May 26th.
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0 notes
mariacallous · 8 months
Text
Pakistan is scheduled to hold elections on Feb. 8, the latest crucial date in the country’s democratic experiment. Some observers feared Islamabad’s election commission could postpone the vote due to worsening security conditions, but even as the elections go ahead, many analysts worry they may not be free or fair. Pakistan has a long history of political interference in democratic processes by its powerful military.
The upcoming elections offer little hope for near-term political stability. Pakistan, currently led by a caretaker government, faces myriad political, economic, and security threats. Popular opposition leader and former Prime Minister Imran Khan sits in prison, convicted on corruption and state secrets charges. On Feb. 8, the military establishment is betting on a leader it dethroned not too long ago: former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, whose brother Shehbaz led the most recent coalition government.
Because Pakistan’s civil-military relations tilt in favor of the army, politicians are incentivized to side with the generals to attain power. This dynamic has weakened the constitution, compromised the judiciary, and undermined democratic elections. The military no longer intervenes in politics via coup, but its leaders have invested in the political system. Pakistan has developed into a hybrid regime where elements of electoral democracy and military influence mingle. Next week’s vote will only mark the next chapter of hybrid rule.
In 2017, Pakistan’s Supreme Court ousted Sharif as prime minister after his family was linked to offshore companies in the Panama Papers leak; he was later disqualified from holding public office. Sharif had also tried to assert civilian supremacy over the army, and there are strong claims that the army played a role in his ouster, as well as the election of Khan in 2018. As Khan suffered his own fall from grace, Sharif was allowed to return to Pakistan last year. The cases against him have been cleared, potentially enabling him to participate in the elections—hinting that the military may condone his return to the prime minister’s seat.
Many observers regard Khan’s rise to power in 2018 as the outcome of electoral engineering by the military establishment. For a time, Khan seemed to share a mutually beneficial relationship with the army. However, he made a series of missteps in policy areas dominated by the military. First, he endorsed an inexperienced official to become chief minister of Punjab province, which irked then-Pakistan Army chief Qamar Javed Bajwa. His disagreement with Bajwa in 2021 over a replacement for the director-general of Pakistan’s premier intelligence service further alarmed the army.
Khan had promised to create Naya Pakistan—a new Pakistan—and to carry out sweeping reforms, but he mostly failed to realize these promises during his almost four years in power. Growing economic volatility and the indifference of some of Pakistan’s closest allies toward the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government further undermined Khan’s leadership. In April 2022, the old guard led by the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) called a vote of no confidence against Khan. He was voted out and sentenced to three years in jail last August after a conviction for illegally selling state gifts. Khan alleges the military arranged his ouster.
Motivated by their own interests, Pakistan’s political elites have long been complicit in tolerating the military’s domination of the democratic system. But Pakistan’s political parties have also attempted to establish civilian supremacy and failed to sustain it. As prime minister in the 1990s, Sharif sought to exert his control over state institutions, including the military. Gen. Pervez Musharraf led a military coup against his government in 1999 and became president in 2001. A conflict between Pakistan and India in the hills of Kargil is widely seen as the reason for the coup, but such analysis ignores the role of Sharif’s quest for civilian supremacy.
Musharraf not only prolonged the first exile of Sharif and the self-exile of then-opposition leader Benazir Bhutto, which reshaped Pakistan’s political parties. Ultimately, rivals PML-N and the PPP grew closer, especially after the fallout between the judiciary and Musharraf over the latter’s decision to suspend Pakistan’s chief justice. In 2006, the PML-N and the PPP agreed on a Charter of Democracy, an unprecedented development that sought to limit the army’s role in politics. In 2008, the two parties briefly formed a coalition government to keep the army and its disciples away from politics.
Sharif’s PML-N won a simple majority in the 2013 elections, and Pakistan saw its first peaceful transfer of power. However, Sharif’s growing clout didn’t sit well with the military establishment. In 2014, the military helped Khan launch mass protests against the government; they were also supported and attended by prominent religious figures and clerics. However, Khan called off the four-month protest movement in the wake of a terrorist attack against Peshawar’s Army Public School that killed 149 people. “Pakistan cannot afford [our] opposition in these testing times,” he said at the time.
A deteriorating security situation also contributed to the end of Khan’s tenure in 2022. Following his removal, a coalition of traditional political parties led by PML-N took over, with Shehbaz Sharif as prime minister. It needed the army’s backing to succeed. Instead of working for democratic rights, the coalition government amended Pakistan’s Official Secrets Act to give vast powers to the army and intelligence agencies to conduct raids and arrest civilians. The Pakistan Army Act amendment of 2023 criminalized criticism of the military, especially from retired service members. Army Chief of Staff Asim Munir became a member of a new council aimed at garnering foreign investment and boosting economic growth.
The expanded powers that the Pakistani Army now possesses seem to classify the state as what scholar Ayesha Siddiqa calls a hybrid-martial law system, in which all real power lies with the military while a civilian government is relegated to the position of junior partner. It now appears the judiciary is also toeing the military establishment’s line, with the Islamabad High Court recently acquitting Sharif in a corruption case and ultimately enabling him to contest elections. Khan, in prison, still faces a host of charges. His supporters have not been allowed to hold political conventions or meetings ahead of the elections. Mass protests against Khan’s initial arrest last May seemed to spook the military establishment.
The military’s greater machinations have yet to play out. Interestingly, the PPP chairman, Bilawal Bhutto, has accused the establishment of favoring Sharif—raising questions about the strength of the party’s alliance with PML-N. Bhutto may be filling the political vacuum left by the sidelining of the PTI. Sindh province recently saw a reshuffling of senior bureaucrats seen as favoring the PPP. Meanwhile, the PTI has raised concerns about election officers appointed ahead of the vote and demanded the appointment of officials from the lower judiciary as supervisors for the polls.
PML-N appears to be forging alliances with its traditional partners such as Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan (Fazl), or JUI-F, which has significant political support in the tribal areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In Baluchistan province, PML-N has managed to secure two dozen so-called electables, local leaders with strong support base. The new Istehkam-e-Pakistan Party—made up of disgruntled former PTI members—has announced a pre-election seat-sharing arrangement with PML-N. The PML-N also finalized a seat-sharing arrangement with the Pakistan Muslim League Quaid e Azam Group, itself formed by former PML-N members in 2002.
Even behind bars, Khan remains the most popular politician in Pakistan. If the military establishment secures an election outcome in its favor, the next coalition government will still struggle to maintain its power across Pakistan’s political institutions. Pakistan urgently needs consensus among its stakeholders about how to create a robust democracy; the easiest way to reach it would be through free and fair elections without military interference. Perhaps the political parties should come up with a new charter of democracy.
But until and unless politicians stop pursuing narrow interests, the military establishment will continue to pull the strings of any government in power in Pakistan.
0 notes
drmaqazi · 2 months
Text
The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts 
IN SO-CALLED ISLAMIC REOPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN, WHICH BY DEFINITIOIN IS NEITHER ISLAMIC NOR REPUBLIC, 
UNFORTUNATELY! 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
When Bandial ruled in favor of early elections in Punjab, a number of top judges ruled that PTI’s suo motu request was dismissed on the ground of maintainability. The objection from the judges was based on their understanding that such action should not be taken without consulting all members of the court, and that the issue was pending in provincial courts and didn’t qualify as an issue of public interest.
The ruling coalition is in no mood to implement the top court’s rulings, which it believes may undermine its electoral prospects in the upcoming general elections.
Meanwhile, the ECP has complained that its constitutional authority has been undermined by the Supreme Court as the latter issued a date for Punjab assembly elections without its consent.
To find a way out of the situation, the parliament has tried to enact legislation to curtail the powers of the Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) with regard to unilaterally taking suo motu actions. However, earlier this month Bandial ruled that the bill curtailing the CJP’s powers will remain ineffective even if it becomes law. The ruling virtually undermines the legislature’s ability to do its work.
The situation has gotten to a point where the state seems to be in a revolt against the top judge’s orders over the elections. The State Bank of Pakistan has refused to obey the chief justice’s order to directly allocate funds to the ECP without the parliament’s approval. The Defense Ministry has made it clear that it cannot allocate security personnel as they are busy with military operations across the country. Meanwhile, the government has refused to enter into negotiations with PTI leadership under pressure from the Supreme Court.
This is not the first time that the apex court’s chief justices have tried to intervene in matters that are beyond their remit, undermining the judiciary’s legitimacy and harming Pakistan’s interests at home and abroad.
Rulings by Supreme Court judges have in fact left Pakistan weaker and caused trouble for policymakers and concerns for international investors. One of the most notable examples in this regard is the verdict handed out by former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary in the Reko Diq deal in 2013. The ruling damaged Pakistan’s reputation among investors and cost it financially too.
During his term at the helm, Chief Justice Saqib Nisar gave several controversial verdicts that were beyond his constitutional authority. Not only was Nisar behind the scandalous initiative of establishing a fund to collect donations for the construction of a dam but also, he repeatedly interfered in daily administrative affairs by using suo motu authority of his office to an unprecedented extent.
The Supreme Court is tasked with providing a fair and impartial interpretation of the law. However, its recent decisions have created an atmosphere of uncertainty in the country as citizens are unsure of how these decisions will be implemented. It is now up to the Supreme Court to prove that it can remain impartial and make decisions as per the Constitution rather than politics. Only then can it restore public trust in the judiciary and prevent further damage to the institution and the country.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/23/politics-at-bench-pakistani...
The Diplomat
_______________
SHORT
The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/23/politics-at-bench-pakistani...
The Diplomat
0 notes
smqazi · 4 months
Text
The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts 
IN SO-CALLED ISLAMIC REOPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN, WHICH IS NEITHER 
ISLAMIC NOR REPUBLIC, 
UNFORTUNATELY! 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
When Bandial ruled in favor of early elections in Punjab, a number of top judges ruled that PTI’s suo motu request was dismissed on the ground of maintainability. The objection from the judges was based on their understanding that such action should not be taken without consulting all members of the court, and that the issue was pending in provincial courts and didn’t qualify as an issue of public interest.
The ruling coalition is in no mood to implement the top court’s rulings, which it believes may undermine its electoral prospects in the upcoming general elections.
Meanwhile, the ECP has complained that its constitutional authority has been undermined by the Supreme Court as the latter issued a date for Punjab assembly elections without its consent.
To find a way out of the situation, the parliament has tried to enact legislation to curtail the powers of the Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) with regard to unilaterally taking suo motu actions. However, earlier this month Bandial ruled that the bill curtailing the CJP’s powers will remain ineffective even if it becomes law. The ruling virtually undermines the legislature’s ability to do its work.
The situation has gotten to a point where the state seems to be in a revolt against the top judge’s orders over the elections. The State Bank of Pakistan has refused to obey the chief justice’s order to directly allocate funds to the ECP without the parliament’s approval. The Defense Ministry has made it clear that it cannot allocate security personnel as they are busy with military operations across the country. Meanwhile, the government has refused to enter into negotiations with PTI leadership under pressure from the Supreme Court.
This is not the first time that the apex court’s chief justices have tried to intervene in matters that are beyond their remit, undermining the judiciary’s legitimacy and harming Pakistan’s interests at home and abroad.
Rulings by Supreme Court judges have in fact left Pakistan weaker and caused trouble for policymakers and concerns for international investors. One of the most notable examples in this regard is the verdict handed out by former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary in the Reko Diq deal in 2013. The ruling damaged Pakistan’s reputation among investors and cost it financially too.
During his term at the helm, Chief Justice Saqib Nisar gave several controversial verdicts that were beyond his constitutional authority. Not only was Nisar behind the scandalous initiative of establishing a fund to collect donations for the construction of a dam but also, he repeatedly interfered in daily administrative affairs by using suo motu authority of his office to an unprecedented extent.
The Supreme Court is tasked with providing a fair and impartial interpretation of the law. However, its recent decisions have created an atmosphere of uncertainty in the country as citizens are unsure of how these decisions will be implemented. It is now up to the Supreme Court to prove that it can remain impartial and make decisions as per the Constitution rather than politics. Only then can it restore public trust in the judiciary and prevent further damage to the institution and the country.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/23/politics-at-bench-pakistani...
The Diplomat
_______________
SHORT
The Problem With the Implementation of Pakistan’s Supreme Court Verdicts 
The recent ruling fixing a date for the Punjab provincial assembly elections is deeply controversial as it lays bare the apex court’s partisan bias.
Recent rulings by the Pakistan Supreme Court have thrust it into the middle of the ongoing political crisis in the country. These decisions, often made by partisan judges, are eroding the stature of and public confidence in Pakistan’s judiciary.
For over a year now, Pakistan’s political parties have been wrangling over the holding of elections. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief and former Prime Minister Imran Khan has been pushing for elections to the National Assembly (NA) to be advanced and for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly elections to be held before general elections. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)- led government prefers the elections to be held at the same time. Elections to the NA are due later this year.
Amid this political wrangling, Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial has come under scrutiny for his suo motu action on the Punjab assembly elections. Earlier this month, a three-member bench led by Bandial fixed May 14 as the new date for elections to the Punjab assembly. In doing so, he quashed a decision by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to defer polls in the province from April 10 to October 8.
This Supreme Court ruling is a major setback to the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has been trying to defer elections to the Punjab assembly, which was dissolved on January 13. The ruling PML-N-Pakistan People’s Party alliance is opposed to holding assembly elections in Punjab ahead of national elections.
As per the rules, elections are to be held under a caretaker government. With an elected government in place in Punjab, especially should that be led by the opposition PTI, the chances of victory for the ruling combine in Pakistan’s most populous and electorally crucial province in the general election could be undermined.
Sharif’s government has openly objected to the Supreme Court order to hold assembly elections in Punjab on May 14, saying that this is meant to facilitate victory by the PTI. The PTI, which enjoys immense popularity in Pakistan, believes it can win the upcoming election in Punjab, which will give it an upper hand administratively in the province when the NA elections take place subsequently across Pakistan.
Chief Justice Bandial’s authority and neutrality have been further eroded following revelations that the Supreme Court judges objected to the initiation of proceedings under Article 184(3) of the Constitution on the PTI’s petition regarding polls in Punjab.
REFERENCES:
Wikipedia
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/06/23/politics-at-bench-pakistani...
The Diplomat
0 notes
welidot · 1 year
Text
Hina Rabbani Khar
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This Biography is about one of the best Professional Pakistani stateswoman of the world Hina Rabbani Khar including her Height, weight, Age & Other Detail… Express info Real Name Hina Rabbani Khar Nickname Not Known Profession Pakistani stateswoman Age (as in 2023) 45 Years old Physical Stats & More Info Party Pakistan Peoples Party Political Journey • In 2002, she was elected member of National Assembly. • In 2004, she was appointed Minister of State for Economic Affairs in the Shaukat Aziz Government. • In 2005, she became Deputy Minister of Economic Affairs. • In 2008, she was appointed Minister of State for Finance & Economic Affairs in the Cabinet of Yousaf Raza Gilani. • In 2011, she was appointed Minister of State for foreign Affairs in the Gilani's Cabinet. • On 19 July 2011, she became the youngest and 1st female Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan. Physical Stats & More Of Hina Rabbani Khar Height in centimeters- 168 cm in meters- 1.68 m in Feet Inches- 5’ 6” Weight in Kilograms- 58 kg in Pounds- 128 lbs Figure Measurements 34-26-35 Eye Colour Brown Hair Colour Black Personal Life Of Hina Rabbani Khar Date of Birth 19 November 1977 Birth Place Multan, Punjab, Pakistan Zodiac sign/Sun sign Scorpio Nationality Pakistani Hometown Multan, Punjab, Pakistan School Not Known College Lahore University of Management Sciences, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan University of Massachusetts Amherst, Massachusetts, US Educational Qualifications BSc (with honors) in Economics from Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) MSc in Business Management from University of Massachusetts at Amherst in the United States Debut In 2002, when she was elected member to the National Assembly from the NA-177 (Muzaffargarh-II) constituency in Punjab. Family Father- Ghulam Noor Rabbani Khar Mother- Sumaira Rabani Khar Brother- N/A Sisters- N/A Religion Islam Address 18/B, Nisar Road, Lahore Cantt, 140-A, Defence Housing Authority Lahore Rabbani Farm, Khar Garbi, Teh: Kot Addu, Distt. Muzaffargarh, Pakistan Hobbies Traveling, Reading Boys, Affairs and More Of Hina Rabbani Khar Marital Status Married Marriage Date 24 November 1999 Affairs/Boyfriends Not Known Husband Firoze Gulzar (businessman) Children Son- N/A Daughters- Dina Gulzar, Annaya Gulzar Money Factor Of Hina Rabbani Khar Salary Not Known Net Worth (approx.) 13.37 million Pakistani rupee (as in 2013) This Biography Written By www.welidot.com Read the full article
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xtruss · 1 year
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US Congressman Pens Letter to Blinken over Imran Khan’s (PTI's) 'Political Victimisation'
Urges US to 'guide Pakistan policy toward a greater commitment to human rights'
- Express Tribune | April 12, 2023
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United States (US) Congressman Brad Sherman
United States (US) Congressman Brad Sherman shared a letter on Wednesday that he has written to Secretary of State Antony Blinken over "democracy in Pakistan", and more specifically, the alleged "political victimisation" of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).
Earlier in March, the Democratic party congressman had released a video message and urged the US administration to support democracy and human rights in the country; sounding alarm over what he said, the “alleged custodial torture and sexual abuse of political figures” such as PTI leaders Shahbaz Gill and Azam Swati.
Now, in a letter dated April 11, the California lawmaker has asked Biden to “guide the US’ Pakistan policy toward a greater commitment to human rights and to use all US diplomatic channels to urge Pakistani authorities to investigate the alleged abuses and to hold accountable anybody who may be responsible”.
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“I urge the authorities to make sure that going forward political figures or citizens who simply want to demonstrate are not subjected to anti-democratic consequences,” he said.
Sherman made special mention of the "several cases" registered against PTI chief Imran Khan, "the alleged torture and even sexual abuse of political figures" like Shahbaz Gill and journalist Jameel Farooqui, "the use of force" against Imran's supporters, "the detention of protestors under sweeping counter-terrorism laws" as well as the "closing of space for free speech".
He also expressed deep concern over Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah's remarks for "insinuating" that the PTI chief "will be eliminated from the political arena.
Further, the letter also took note of the delay in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa elections calling it "another sign of skirting democratic processes".
“The United States does not involve itself in Pakistan’s internal governmental matters — I respect its Constitution and its democratic process — but we must not shy away from raising our voice when the human rights of the Pakistani people are at stake," he said.
Meanwhile, PTI leader Fawad Chaudhry welcomed the move urging other lawmakers around the world to also "raise issue of human rights abuses in their jurisdictions as well".
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Twitter: Ch Fawad Hussain@fawadchaudhry. Letter by a senior member of USA Congress Foreign Affairs committee to Secretary Blinkin shows the growing concerns of international community on the HR abuses in Pak by a fascist Govt, I call upon EU and UK Parliamentarians to raise issue of HR abuses in their jurisdictions as well.
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meghalayacareer · 1 year
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India Post Recruitment 2023: Gramin Dak Sevak (12,828 Posts)
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India Post Recruitment 2023: India Post has released an employment notification for the recruitment of the Gramin Dak Sevak (GDS)  under various postal circles across the country. The last date for submission of the application is 11th June 2023. Post Name:- Gramin Dak Sevak (GDS) - No of posts:- 12,828 Posts - Postal circle-wise vacancy list 1. Andhra Pradesh: 118 Posts 2. Assam: 151 Posts 3. Bihar: 76 Posts 4. Chhattisgarh: 342 Posts 5. Gujarat: 110 Posts 7. Haryana: 8 Posts 8. Himachal Pradesh: 37 Posts 9. Jammu & Kashmir: 89 Posts 10. Jharkhand: 1125 Posts 11. Karnataka: 48 Posts 12. Madhya Pradesh: 2992 Posts 14. Maharashtra: 620 Posts 15. North Eastern: 4384 Posts 16. Odisha: 948 Posts 17. Punjab: 13 Posts 18. Rajasthan: 1408 Posts 19. Tamil Nadu: 18 Posts 20. Telangana: 96 Posts 21. Uttar Pradesh: 160 Posts 22. Uttarakhand: 40 Posts 23. West Bengal: 45 Posts - Age limit:- 18 to 40 years. The Upper age relaxation is up to 3 years for OBC, 5 years for SC/ST, and 10 years for PWD candidates. - Salary:- for BPM, Rs.12,000/- to 29,380/- and for ABPM/Dak Sevak Rs.10,000/- to 24,470/- - Essential Qualification:- The candidate should have passed the Secondary School Examination of 10th standard having passed in Mathematics and English (having been studied as compulsory or elective subjects) conducted by any recognized Board of School Education by the Government of India/State Governments/ Union Territories in India shall be a mandatory educational qualification for all approved categories of GDS. - Local Language Proficiency:- The candidate should have studied the local language at least up to the 10th standard. - Other Qualifications: The candidate should be proficient in the following fields (i) Knowledge of computer (ii) Knowledge of cycling (iii) Adequate means of livelihood How to apply for India Post Recruitment 2023: Gramin Dak Sevak Jobs? Interested and eligible candidates may apply for India Post GDS online. The last date for submission of the application is 11th June 2023. The applicant will have to first register himself/herself on the GDS online Engagement Portal at the link https://indiapostgdsonline.gov.in/ Selection Procedure The Selection Process of India Post GDS Recruitment consists of the following stages:- - Preparation of Merit List: The applicants will be shortlisted for engagement based on a system-generated merit list. The merit list will be prepared based on marks obtained/ conversion of Grades/ Points to marks in the Secondary School Examination of 10th standard of approved Boards, aggregated to percentage to the accuracy of 4 decimals. The passing of all the subjects as per the respective approved board norms is mandatory. - Document Verification:- The shortlisted candidates for the recruitment will have to attend the document verification process to complete the recruitment process. - Appointment: On the successful completion of document verification, a candidate will be appointed as Gramin Dak Sevaks within the jurisdiction of the respective division. Application Fee A fee of Rs.100/- (Rupees one hundred only) is to be paid by the applicants for all posts notified in choice of Division. However, payment of fees is exempted for all female applicants, SC /ST applicants, PwD applicants, and Transwomen applicants. Advertisement No:- 17-31/2023-GDS (Date: 20.05.2023) Those who wish to apply are advised to go through the below official notification in detail before submitting applications. Online Application Link Click Here Download Official Notification Click Here Check Your Fee Payment Status Click Here Read the full article
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creative9blogs · 9 months
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