#it was an extremely bold move and a direct and immediate threat to many citizens of this country who don't fit their ideals

[yourfriendlysummoner]

Analyses of Inspector Thauvin chapter 1: Harsh Glances, Proof of Worth

Noxus. A mighty and fearsome expanding Empire that is never satisfied of its hunger for more power and lands. This desire can be extinguished by the great Trifarian Legion, an unstoppable and dedicated army that spreads rampage on its path.

But, like every regime, Noxus has its weaknesses. There are threats from the inside that can ruin everything in a heartbeat with any tragic mistake the Grand General can make. And because he has foreseen it – like everything after all – he has taken his very drastic measures to combat the possible treason from faces that wear invisible masks…

~~~

“It’s him, step aside!” One of the guards whispered nervously to his companion to the sight of the new superweapon Swain hired for his mysterious plans and military success.

The soldiers stared with faces that betrayed their fear for the unknown, their teeth were almost showing in fear and instinct to put the tail between the legs.

A quiet, almost unnoticed scoff could be heard. It couldn’t remain hidden. It shouldn’t. They are Noxian soldiers that have seen so many battlefields that something like that shouldn’t bother their eyes so much…

“G- Grand General! Your weapon is here…”

“Excellent. Bring him in.”

“Move it!” The guard yelled with the most nervous voice he had ever heard, as he shoved his axe threateningly at his direction. The uniquely for the Noxian standards armed man tried to hold his mocking smile. The bloke was too desperate to show his rank superiority, and it was something utterly futile.

He held his smile for the very special moment of standing in front of the Grand General himself, in his own noble mansion.

“You must be Inspector Beau Thauvin.” Swain sounded very sophisticated as he asked.

“In flesh and bone, your weapon is here. At your mighty will, Grand General.” Inspector Thauvin is rarely the one that will talk big and fanfaring  words, its other people that will usually flatter him unnecessarily. But, this time he decided to allow a change.

“I cannot hide my enthusiasm that you honour us with your services, Inspector.” Indeed, Swain’s boring, merry impatience couldn’t hide deep behind his aged and refined facial features.

“I can see it…” Thauvin didn’t hesitate to intensify his remarkable unimpression in his aristocratic leader face. Risky, but that’s him, either you like it or not.

Swain shook his head and raised his brows in neutral shock the Inspector’s behaviour caused, but soon his expression changed dramatically to being more interested. He stroked his chin with a stoic face. “You have the privilege to determine when do you wish to start your work, since it is you–”

“Right now.” The robotic determination of his clear and silvery voice cut Swain’s easiness in pieces, along with his intendedly causal phrase.

Don’t try to be at ease with me, General!…

Jericho’s breathe was cut and hitched to the sharp suggestion, if you want, that the man voiced. He froze for several second clusters, but it was enough to get noticed by the sly agent’s eye.

He cleared his throat. “Very well,” He drowned his uneasiness. “You have to know, however, that my bidding is never built on a silky, straight road, Inspector…”

“If this really was a threat, m’ Lord, then I’m deeply sorry, because, for your information, I never apply for a task that is easy. I don’t play the dolls, and I seek to be effective to the common cause I eventually share with my employer.” His eyes were shining threatening bravery and fatal truth. His arms audaciously folded close to his chest, after his rudely bold words towards the very first man of Noxus…

Well, this wasn’t really wise of him to do. But he knows. He never lets uncalculated actions pass, and knowing his necessity and utility to Noxus, Swain would never had the guts to risk the Inspector’s safety for his pride.

“Whatever, Thauvin…” His sharp tone indicated his very restrained attempt to hide his lost patience. “Shall we move to the main reason you are here then?” Thauvin laughed so hard in his head with how hurt Swains good intention to be polite was, but outside he looked stern and imperious to the simplest and humblest way.

“That’s why I’m here, Grand General. Move on, then.”

Swain calmed his tension down with a deep breath before moving on to explaining his first mission as an agent of Noxus.

“Since you have lived by us for quite a while, you have probably heard of or seen with your eyes the occupied by deviant protesters north-eastern suburban territory.” Swain explained.

“Have heard of it.”

“It’s a pain in the arse the recent weeks!” Swain’s voice cracked with laughter. “Counsellor Darius’ Trifarian Legion is off to occupation missions, and my capital patrols are pretty inefficient against the savage brutes.” Noble opponents of the Trifarix are a bit more easily controlled in the Empire than openly protesting savage brutes.

“I understand.” That is all he had to say.

“Don’t you have anything to add?”

“Not really. Can I have some of your inefficient patrols?”

Swain raised an eyebrow.

~~~

“What is the plan, Inspector?” The patrol’s commander asked. These soldiers where more civilized than the guards of Swain’s mansion. Beau liked that.

He didn’t answer him immediately. He had to first spectate the situation by himself. That was exactly what he expected: an angered handful of folks gathered in a group, united like a fist and overly concentrated to their pitiful riot.

“Inspector?…” The soldier repeated, this time seemingly hesitating to do so, but impatient for an answer as well. Weak minds…

“The plan is the following: you go and trap them into a circle made of your unit’s men.”

“B- but, Inspector? Our unit can easily be decimated by these angry people! I- I mean, these treacherous dogs!!” His voice was so nervous in fear of having sounded more compassionate than he should be, he almost bit his tongue. Thauvin really has his time in that city, very fun idiots to work with. A shame he can’t show it, sacrificing his urge to laugh on their faces to professionalism.

“You didn’t let me finish.” The rudeness in his phrase didn’t drown in his sternness’ deep bottom. Instead, it floated on its surface, seemingly shaming the commander.

Beau broke the silence again, with his more defined explanations of his plan. “Your circle is going to both trap them and bamboozle them. Here I have a paralyzing detonator that will make them have some sweet dreams for a good while, allowing us to disarm them and send them to the justice they deserve without killing them. This is for the Grand General to decide. They are simple citizens after all. But: be careful not to stand too close to the area the detonator will affect, otherwise you’ll get electrocuted as well. Five feet are a good distance to keep from my target. Was I well understood?”

He always uses his charisma in leadership in his tone, combining it with his influencing and confident body language, while at the same time being extremely simple and direct, so he is easily understood. Perfect, as he always aims to achieve by practicing his profession.

And as he predicted, everyone said no more. A positive nod was enough to pass into action.

However, predictions always have their holes…

“I don’t think it will work.” A young man, at least in his early twenties, voiced with pure audacity and steadiness in his voice.

Thauvin looked at him with serious, half – closed eyes of caustic humiliation.

Silence. Many of the soldiers turned to each other with confusion and a chilling but suppressed fear.

“And who are you to determine it, o genius from nowhere?” He asked, faking suspicion in his tone.

“I’m Tommy Brant, sir! Co – commander of the Capital Patrol!” The boy stood straight with too much pride filling his lungs…

“Interesting… And how someone as young as you gained such a high rank in this armed force?”

“I—”

“He has just returned from the Tokogol fort, sir, one of the best soldiers that got this promotion as a reward!” A woman answered nervously instead of Brant. Her name was Myriam Cole, Captain of the Patrol.

“Hmm… Weird reward. Oh, and I was asking him not you.” His harsh glance made her look down to her feet in shame.

“Yes, sir…”

“What was I saying? Oh, yeah. You shouldn’t question me, Co – commander Brant. And you really can’t, since Commander Achim here takes my orders today.”

The young soldier prepared himself to talk back, but Thauvin’s collected voice was faster than his.

“With my signal! Ready!…”

The anticipation and worry about failure had filled their hearts. This was probably the riskiest strategy they had ever faced in their lives. Some even though that the Grand General was very desperate to hire such a mad guy to lead them, but obviously kept them for themselves, a thought that should never be revealed for their sake…

Nevertheless, they tried their best to have bodies and minds alarmed for the signal and therefore the action.

Foreheads wet in sweat, breathes hitched, weapons grasped in fists…

But most importantly…

“Go!”

And the mission started. The soldiers ran as fast as possible, choosing paths behind buildings to go unnoticed by the crowd in the square of the north–eastern suburbs.

Thauvin used his long-range binoculars to spectate. He let a small, crooked smirk on his lips, in approval of their clever action. At this rate, no one would get fatally hurt. They weren’t that stupid then…

Enough about the police though. He had to think about his own part as well. The easy stuff. He used his Hextech jet boots to reach the target faster. He jumped on a balcony with the boost of his jets, so he could have a better view of the situation.

He reactivated his binoculars, this time on sniper mode. With the help of his precise rifle, designed by himself to be foolproof like a preying vulture, he would shoot his detonator at the protesters.

Meanwhile, down there the nervous Patrol Unit soldiers were ponting their axes and swords at the people they had trapped – that seemed to be the case. The angry citizens yelled at them, cursed Noxus, demanded more rights and freedom, threatened to attack them and even spat on their faces.

Brant wiped spit from his eye and yelled for order nervously. Some others, more brutal and experienced went farther than just a harmless threat, even on unarmed protesters.

“I should make this quick or it will turn to be a tragedy. I won’t tolerate  making a bad name of myself…” Beau’s voice sounded quite at ease, despite the pressuring time that threatened his plan tremendously…

He just stood there, placing his feet steadily on the narrow surface of the balcony’s railing, and aimed with concentration at the rioters…

Steady….

The situation was about to worsen at the square. Someone could be heard warning that he’d light a fire to burn the statue of some forgotten warlord very few speak of nowadays. This wasn’t good, Thauvin thought. He had to act quickly, so that he wouldn’t lose his unit to a bunch of random people that disliked their country…

His earpiece was unfortunately connected to the commanders, to be able to have control of the situation in all the possible senses. “What takes you so long, Inspector!?!”

“Shut the hell up and let me concentrate, do your job, Commander!”

“Whatever, be quick, they are trying to-“

“Much better.” He smiled at himself for deactivating the earpiece and turned to his target with the greatest focus possible. Let’s end this quick…

It all depended on a press of his trigger, lucky for them, it had to be his.

One last deep breath and the missile went to find its target on the ground. The force that was created by the shot threw Thauvin inside the balcony, causing him to reflexively backflip and accidentally break the window with his heavy equipment.

He swore under his breath as he shook his head to ease the bodily shock. As he turned his head to witness the damage he caused, he faced a scared woman in her nightdress and facemask.  

“M’ lady? Don’t worry about this mess, I’m paying for it. Oh, almost forgot this.” He pressed a button on his modified ATLAS glove and a bright blue light could be seen from the square, accompanied by a considerably loud noise.

He smirked. “Finally, I started getting bored of this.”

“H- he… Actually did this…” The Commander said in his relieved breath, and almost passed out of shock.

The other soldiers cheered and thanked the gods for surviving this craze. But the three in command still quietly questioned Thauvin’s method, even after observing the paralysing detonator electrocute the protesters that fainted right away in front of their eyes.

However, some reckless and ignorant soldiers were affected as well, as a result of not keeping the right distance like the Inspector warned… “His crazy plans will kill us all! Imagine going on the first mission with someone so popular of his kind and getting blasted men in the process!” Commander Achim exclaimed at Cole and Brant.

“I honestly don’t understand what the Grand General had in his mind when he hired that madman…” Brant touched his chin. His gaze on the ground betrayed his insecurities.

“Whatever he is up to, we must

“Whatever he is up to, we must remain quiet. Any reckless move and we lose our power. Both of you, remember that you are not on top of this anymore.” Cole’s voice sounded sharp and plain, indicating that she was completely serious and plain, indicating that she was very serious.

The two men nodded with clear dysphoria, but as much as they hated to admit it, she was right…

~~~

Swain was more than pleased to observe on his balcony all of the protester’s hands bound with cuffs behind their backs and lead in a line to jail by the Patrol Unit. He lowered his telescope and smiled at Thauvin that stood at attention behind him. “Congratulations, Inspector!

“You promised difficulty.” He faked serious disappointment to bluff, once again interrupting his sentence.

The Grand General almost held his breath. Then a sigh followed. “Not your level, I suppose…” His husky voice was quiet. “Never mind, you won’t get away with so relaxing missions, I assure you… Dismissed…”

Thauvin nodded and left his quarters with his hands clasped behind his back. He surely expected something actually difficult, but kept that day’s event in the back of his head nonetheless…

[typologycentral]

Populism and Extraverted Sensation

Extraverted sensation (Se), which we all have to varying degrees, is particularly suited to the rough-and-tumble world of politics. When political leaders bring out this function-attitude, we see a pragmatic, energizing facilitator of movements. Adept at sensing where the ‘heat’ is, these types pick up on what the masses are feeling and leverage that energy towards an end. When the function is dominant in a politician’s type, a populist mentality often emerges. Just as extraverted sensation seeks to experience and connect with its environment, populism in its purest form is like a dance between a politician and the masses: a symbiosis born of intense interaction with the political landscape as dance floor. When operating in a partisan milieu, political leaders would be well advised to draw on their extraverted sensing function. Extraverted sensors naturally attune themselves to their externals. They notice the lay of the land. They are especially aware of their immediate surroundings, perceiving threats and opportunities in the moment—typically reacting almost without thinking. In leadership, these types (ESTP, ESFP) are most characterized by bold, proactive moves. They seek quick wins. They act with agility and speed in a crisis. If there is no crisis, they may create one just to deal with it. Theirs is a constant state of readiness. In scans of the brain when engaged in extraverted sensing activity, Dario Nardi’s research revealed a “tennis hop” pattern: continuous low-level activity, the way a tennis player lightly bounces foot-to-foot, indicating an alacrity for anything that comes along. In short, extraverted sensing leaders value action, variety, urgency, spontaneity, resourcefulness, experimentation, adaptation, empowerment, and efficiency. That’s extraverted sensation at its best. Extraverted sensors at their worst, in the grip of their inferior function, miss the deeper meaning of their actions and long-term consequences. As leaders they struggle with the long view. They prioritize the urgent over the important. They discount the value of a strategic vision or plan, and they disdain any rigorous planning process. Their impatience with detailed policies or procedures can cause them to miss critical steps on a checklist, for example. Another typical weakness is a lack of self-awareness—especially not grasping their own life’s purpose—as their conscious energy is directed to what’s outside them. In extreme cases this external attention can lead to materialism, hedonism, and dependence on external stimulation. Finally, extraverted sensors seem to be especially susceptible to emotional triggers, such as status (sensitivity to personal slights), autonomy (resistance to being managed), and relatedness (a tribal loyalty). Populism and Presidents Eight former U.S. Presidents with a preference for extraverted sensation share a distinct leadership style: Populism is particularly prevalent among Proactive (Se) LeaderTypes in the political domain with good reason. They are constantly surveying the situation to see where threats and opportunities lie—in this case, among the body politic. Once having sensed the political landscape they are amazingly adept and agile in responding—some would say reacting—to their environment. In (Andrew) Jackson’s case, riding the wave of popular will. (Keahey, 2018)Populism has acquired a negative reputation, and this is especially true now with the presidency of Donald Trump, but many other political leaders have used extraverted sensing tactics and policies to rally the cause of the common man. This is true not only of Andrew Jackson—in whom extraverted sensation (Se) seems to be dominant—but also of Lyndon B. Johnson and Theodore Roosevelt. Both LBJ and Teddy Roosevelt demonstrated a penchant for populist causes in their policies and programs. Andrew Jackson, the “People’s President,” facilitated the United States becoming a true democracy. Theodore Roosevelt brokered a “Square Deal” between management and labor, essentially lifting the factory worker’s status vis-à-vis the corporate baron. LBJ had a natural affinity for the poor from growing up in rural Texas, and his experiences informed his War on Poverty, resulting in his Great Society legislation. Nevertheless, populism does not always have noble aims and often has unintended consequences. Populism has been defined in a number of ways. Some see it as a political strategy in which a charismatic leader appeals to the masses while sweeping aside institutions, but not all populist movements have such a leader. Jan-Werner Müller, a political scientist at Princeton University, thinks populists are defined by their claim that they alone represent the people, and that all others are illegitimate (The Economist, 2016). Müller made important distinctions among populists, such as inclusive and exclusive varieties. While exclusive populism focuses on defining and shutting out stigmatized groups such as refugees, inclusive populism demands that stigmatized groups like the poor and minorities be included in the political process and that policies reflect their needs and issues. Another political scientist at the University of Georgia, Cas Mudde (2015) offered a definition that has been increasingly accepted: he views populism as a “thin ideology” that merely sets up a framework of a pure people versus a corrupt elite. He contrasts it with pluralism, which accepts the legitimacy of many different groups. This thin ideology can be attached to all sorts of “thick” ideologies (e.g., socialism, nationalism, anti-imperialism, libertarianism, or even racism). In a democracy, populism as the ‘will of the people’ can trump all other movements. Some think populism began with the Populist Party of the 1890s, but that is only when it gained a capital letter and a political platform. The American Revolution, specifically the Boston Tea Party, could be viewed as a populist uprising leveraging the collective power of the people against the British crown to protest taxation without representation. The Antifederalist movement of the 1780s is another early example of populism, rallying against the perceived threat of the United States becoming a monarchy, leading to the Bill of Rights. The Jacksonian period saw citizens fighting the perceived tyranny of banks and landholders over common farmers. Obviously, populism is not new, but the 2016 presidential election saw a tsunami wave of populist sentiment from both directions, left and right: Bernie Sanders, a self-described ‘Democratic socialist,’ or inclusive populist per Müller’s framework, and Donald Trump, an exclusive populist running as a Republican. These candidates show how different populists can be: although both were anti-establishment, the only similarity in their campaigns was criticism of free trade deals. Former Colorado Rep. Tom Tancredo (R) said, “In truth, the ‘populist anger’ fueling Trump’s coalition is fundamentally different from Sanders’ ‘progressive populism.’ The superficial similarities between the two end when they talk about solutions.” Pulitzer-Prize-winning columnist Eugene Robinson (2018) went even further: The idea of Donald Trump as some sort of Man of the People was laughable from the start—a boastful plutocrat who lives in a gold-plated aerie above Fifth Avenue, claiming lunch-bucket solidarity with factory workers and coal miners. He sold it, though, largely by cementing a racial and cultural kinship and shamelessly misrepresenting his intentions.What Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders Have in Common Journalist Michael Kazin (2016) questioned how a term—populism—could describe both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders and still have meaning: “Trump’s ‘populism’ is a brilliant piece of performance art but one that bears little resemblance, even in style, to the capital-P kind.” Personality type can provide an answer. Populism, in its purest form, means engaging and facilitating the popular will of the masses. If the external environment is the body politic, and the goal of the movement is power to the masses, then populism can be viewed typologically as an expression of the extraverted sensing (Se) function in politics. Jung (1971/1921) described the type governed by extraverted sensation as follows: No other human type can equal the extraverted sensation type in realism. Since one is inclined to regard a highly developed reality-sense as a sign of rationality, such people will be esteemed as very rational. But in actual fact this is not the case, since they are just as much at the mercy of their sensations in the face of irrational (emphasis added), chance happenings as they are in the face of rational ones. This type … naturally does not think he is at the mercy of sensation. His whole aim is concrete enjoyment, and his morality is oriented accordingly. (¶ 606)Populism shares this irrational aspect with the Se function: populist movements are characterized by enjoyment and social interaction, and populists are good at perceiving the environment around them. They are aware of how they are triggered emotionally and are typically adept at triggering others in terms of status, autonomy, relatedness, and/or fairness. These are the ‘sensations’ to which populists appeal and by which they rally the masses. In politics, the extraverted sensing type’s natural strength is being attuned to the will of the people. These types (ESTP, ESFP) tend to be restless, opportunistic, and expansive in dealing with the political landscape. They sense where power lies—in the masses—and typically perceive this in a vertical dimension: haves versus have-nots, whether privilege, wealth, power, status, etc. The judging function of this type, if developed, reveals its populist rallying cry: either a defining idea (Thinking) or a shared value (Feeling). When the dominant extraverted sensation of a populist movement is combined with the values and morals of introverted feeling (Fi), the movement takes a decidedly moralistic tone and may focus on income inequality or class issues. When combined with the ideas and principles of introverted thinking (Ti), it takes on a more libertarian, autonomous tone. The exclusive populist has an affiliation with ESTP preferences, and the inclusive populist with ESFP preferences. Subsets of populism include libertarianism, in which the organizing principles (Ti) are autonomy and minimalism, and socialism, in which the organizing values (Fi) are egalitarianism and fairness. Both argue for power to be distributed to the masses. The inferior function of the dominant Se type is introverted intuition (Ni), and the same could be said of populist movements. In his Memoirs, David Rockefeller (2009) made this insightful comment: “’Populists’ believe in conspiracies and one of the most enduring is that a secret group of international bankers and capitalists, and their minions, control the world’s economy” (p. 405). Their belief that power is concentrated in a few and that these few have a nefarious intent reveals how the shadow of extraverted sensing types can manifest in politics. Michael Kazin (2016) described how paranoia emerged in earlier populist movements: “To explain society’s ills, they invoked ‘a vast conspiracy against mankind,’ engineered by a plutocratic cabal.” In this way an ESFP movement (inclusive populism) can project its unconscious fears onto an INTJ-like nemesis. By contrast, when Introverted Intuition (Ni) is the dominant function for a movement, e.g., in progressive parties or environmental/green parties, it can provide an idyllic vision of the future. The political power to secure and protect that visionary ideal becomes paramount, so an extraverted judging function is needed to balance it: if thinking (Te) is the auxiliary, it manifests in institutional structures, systems, or bureaucracies which protect those in power and control the masses; if feeling (Fe) is the auxiliary, it manifests as political parties and/or religious or social organizations where group norms and values are upheld as the ‘rule’ (i.e., establishment). If the visionary ideal remains the core of the political movement, the corresponding shadow (Se) will always lurk in the deep as an image of restless masses ready to rise up in irresponsible self-gratification and chaos, representing the Ni type’s nemesis. This resistance to extraverted sensation can lead to elitism. Subset examples of elitism include nationalism and fascism where the judging function based on the vision (Ni) sorts people into categories and establishes structures/systems/plans to implement that vision (Te); or democratic idealism where political parties debate and reach consensus on the premises of deliberation, pluralism, and reciprocity (Fe). The latter represents the United States’ realization of democracy. It also helps explain why Andrew Jackson (with preferences for ESTP) was so successful in his populist pursuits as president, and much of why Jefferson called him “a dangerous man”: Jackson represented the kind of leader who could empower the masses and encourage their worst impulses. Jung (1953/1968) himself said: ” … for the masses are blind brutes, as we know to our cost” (¶ 563). Andrew Jackson, an Extraverted Sensing Populist Andrew Jackson (1767–1845) emerged from his youth not only a fighter, but a survivor. Barely a teenager in the Revolutionary War, Jackson’s survival depended on a keen awareness of his surroundings. He was particularly gifted at interpreting Native American communication and movements in the wilderness. The necessity to act in emergent situations with speed and agility naturally developed his Se function. Jackson was the epitome of energetic action, often overstepping boundaries—literally. He fought 138 duels before becoming president, probably more than any other president, which won him a bad reputation among his peers. His sedate, boring plantation life precipitated a midlife crisis and the need to remake himself and his reputation. He brought himself out of ‘early retirement’ and into military service with the War of 1812, forging a persona as a war hero. He pushed the Seminole people back into Florida (then owned by Spain), and went so far as to capture Pensacola, completely without any authorization. Jackson had many starts but not a lot of finishes: he was the first U.S. senator from Tennessee but only lasted six months, and the first governor of Florida, in which office he lasted only a few months. Governing bored him. Running for president did not bore him. After losing a bitter, hotly contested race to John Quincy Adams in 1824 via the House of Representatives in what became known as the “Corrupt Bargain,” he almost immediately began campaigning for the next election, which he won. As president, Jackson led what was essentially America’s second revolution. His bold, experiential, and immediate leadership style triggered a reconsideration of what constituted the United States. He urged a return to a simpler, more frugal, minimalist government. His political instincts were honed to an extraordinary level as he stoked populist flames with a fervor. Jackson’s is often called the first modern presidency because of his belief that the president is not just an executive but a representative of the people, much like a congressman but for all the people rather than those of a specific district, earning him the nickname “the People’s President.” He sensed a oneness with the body politic: he embodied their desires. This strong connection was reflected in a constant feedback loop. He listened to their concerns and believed he reflected their wishes. He stoked their passions and was himself energized by them. This is the nature of the extraverted sensing politician: being so connected with the populace, he or she experiences a solidarity with the people, a belief that “I am them” and “they are me.” Donald Trump, A Jacksonian President? Many political leaders have imitated Jackson’s strongly populist philosophy—especially when stoking us-versus-them sentiments among the downtrodden against the rich and powerful. Countless candidates since Jackson have claimed rags-to-riches stories, promised reform, or vowed to make the will of the people an end justifying any means. Whatever their desired result, every president after Jackson, thanks to his example, exerted the full power of a democracy: expressing—and when authentic, personifying—the unambiguous will of the people (Keahey, 2018). The similarities with President Donald Trump are striking. The difference between Andrew Jackson and Donald Trump is type development. Jackson developed many more functions than his dominant function of extraverted sensation (Se): * Te-6th, extraverted thinking: Jackson, as a soldier and later as a commander, was given to swift, sure execution of plans. * Ti-2nd, introverted thinking: Jackson served as a justice on the Tennessee Supreme Court, where he defined and articulated his principles, among them his strong belief in individual liberty. His judicial appointments clarified many of his ideas and beliefs. * Si-5th, introverted sensation: Jackson was a fiscal conservative. He reorganized the banking system and is the only president to completely pay off the national debt. * Ne-8th, extraverted intuition: During his presidency, he lived through and facilitated many changes—wars, geographic expansion, and a variety of anti-corruption policies, including “rotation of office” to prevent nepotism and dynastic succession. * Fi-7th, introverted feeling: He strictly adhered to his own moral code, and he took personal offense at any questioning of his morality or behavior. His authenticity and self-sacrifice built a tremendous loyalty among his troops and political cronies. * Ni-4th, introverted intuition: His 1837 Farewell Address prophetically warned of the dangers of sectional fanaticism between the North and the South. Toward the end of his life, he could envision where things would lead. President Trump shows less evidence of development than Jackson. What is visible is one-sided extraverted sensation: a dominant function without an auxiliary; considerable extraversion without much reflection; in short, a type without balance. Frank Bruni (2016) of The New York Times wrote several articles proclaiming Trump to be a ‘pretend populist.’ Donald Trump’s one-sided expression of extraverted sensation in excess is what Mr. Bruni perceives as populist pretense: Trump shows the Se dominant type’s desire to make an impact, enjoyment of sensory pleasures, and focus on the present moment. When these attributes are used constructively, they enable an Se individual to develop quick reflexes, take jobs that would frighten others, read the public mind, and provide a realistic perspective. But without the balance of judgment, such attributes become toxic. Lack of judgment has enabled the president to glam onto whatever idea (Ti) or value (Fi) reflects the ideas or values of his base and to promote his agenda, his brand, and himself at the expense of the people he leads. The British documentary filmmaker Louis Theroux (2016) said, “I think Donald Trump’s had a pattern of leaping on the bandwagon of anything that he feels will further his candidacy, and if that means sowing more fear and paranoia and playing into a kind of xenophobic populist strain, then that’s what he will do.” The ascendancy of Donald Trump was nothing short of a political marvel. According to an op-ed in The New York Times, Donald Trump’s presidency “represent[s] a stunning moment in American politics—the triumph of a raw populism, embodied by a shameless demagogue, over both the official establishment and the official ideology of a major political party” (Douthat, 2016). From Populism to Mob Mentality How did this happen? Seth Godin’s book Tribes: We Need You to Lead Us suggests that a populist ‘tribe’ is perennially taking applications. And should the person the tribe chooses have a developed Se without an auxiliary judging function to provide principles or morals, then he/she, will perceive the public’s pain or fear, latch onto it, and attempt to steer it. Pure populist leaders find a tribe of angry or passionate people and ride that wave to its crest. They are surfing the body politic for the ‘next big one.’ Extraverted sensing types are adventurous thrill-seekers: they want to be where the action is, engaging and interacting with others, stirring movement. Probably one of the best explanations of how this is done comes from the film The American President in which fictional President Andrew Shepherd describes how to foment the passion and prejudices of a crowd: “[By] making you afraid of [something], and telling you who’s to blame for it. That, ladies and gentlemen, is how you win elections” (Sorkin & Reiner, 1995). Once the masses become activated in their passions, little can be done to inform them, as Jung (1959/1969) pointed out: No doubts can exist in the herd: the bigger the crowd the better the truth—and the catastrophe. … The psychology of a large crowd inevitably sinks to the level of mob psychology. If, therefore, I have a so-called collective experience as a member of a group, it takes place on a lower level of consciousness than if I had the experience by myself alone. (¶ 225)That Donald Trump relishes the political give-and-take and the jousting-and-jabbing invective of Twitter is obvious. The immediacy, the attention, the emotionalism, and the large reach of social media give him concrete enjoyment—the raison d’etre of an extraverted sensing type. Variety is the spice of life for an Se dominant type. “There is no standard operating practice with this administration,” said Sen. John Thune (R-SD). “Every day is a new adventure for us” (Paletta & Dawsey, 2018). The White House is in a permanent state of flux because the Se type loves being in motion and being in the moment, unconstrained by past policies or future concerns. “Trump is a self-proclaimed dealmaker who has struggled to close critical deals as president—an unreliable negotiator who seems to promise one thing only to renege days, or even hours, later” (Paletta & Dawsey, 2018). When a populist leader lets the adoration of the masses consume his ego and thinks himself (or herself) invincible, it can lead to authoritarianism. Jung (1953/1993) spoke to this inflation: An inflated consciousness is always egocentric and conscious of nothing but its own existence. It is incapable of learning from the past, incapable of understanding contemporary events, and incapable of drawing right conclusions about the future. It is hypnotized by itself and therefore cannot be argued with. It inevitably dooms itself to calamities that must strike it dead. (¶ 563)Perhaps the lesson for politicians is this: Before the shadow of your political movement arises in inopportune, messy ways, consider embracing the opposition and holding the tension of opposing views. May we all do our individual work with respect to our political views, in attempting to truly understand the interests and needs of our opposition. Note: Readers can get a 25% discount on Cash Keahey’s Eight LeaderTypes in the White House: Discover and Leverage Your Oval Office Leadership Style at the Itasca Books website through the end of the year. --- References: Bruni, F. (2016, November 26). The pretend populism of Donald Trump. The New York Times. Douthat, R. (2016, July 17). A Cure for Trumpism. The New York Times. Economist. (2016, December 19). What is populism? London: The Economist Group Limited. Godin, S. (2008). Tribes: We need you to lead us. New York: The Penguin Group. Theroux, L. (2016, June 16). Interview, T. Jones, Interviewer. ABC News, Lateline. Jung, C. G. (1968). Psychology and alchemy (R. F. C. Hull, Trans.) (H. Read et al., Eds.), The collected works of C.G. Jung (Vol. 12). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (Original work published 1953) Jung, C. G. (1969). Archetypes and the collective unconscious (R. F. C. Hull, Trans.) (H. Read et al., Eds.), The collected works of C. G. Jung (Vol. 9, Part I). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (Original work published 1959) Jung, C. G. (1971). Psychological types (R. F. C. Hull, Trans.) (H. Read et al., Eds.), The collected works of C. G. Jung (Vol. 6). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (Original work published 1921) Kazin, M. (2016, March 22). How can Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders both be ‘populist’? New York Times Magazine. Keahey, C. (2018). Eight leadertypes in the White House: Discover and leverage your Oval Office leadership style. Inspire On Purpose Publishing. Mudde, C. (2015, February 17). The problem with populism. The Guardian, U.S. edition. Paletta, D. & Dawsey, J. (2018, March 1). ‘Every day is a new adventure’: Trump upends Washington and Wall Street with shifts on trade, guns. The Washington Post. Robinson, E. (2018, February 12). Trump tells a lot of little lies. This is the big one. The Washington Post. Rockefeller, D. (2003). Memoirs. Random House. Sorkin, A. (Writer) & Reiner, R. (Director). (1995). The American President [Motion picture]. Warner Brothers. Tancredo, T. (n.d.). Tom Tancredo quotes. BrainyQuote.com Images: Andrew Jackson. Retrieved from https://sos.tn.gov/products/tsla/and...son-collection Bortnyik, S. (1926). Boxer. Retrieved from wikiart.org Chagall, M. (1948). Now the King Loved Science and Geometry. Retrieved from wikiart.org Filonov, P. (1915). Defeater of the City. Retrieved from wikiart.org Macke, A. (1911). Circus. Retrieved from wikiart.org Macke, A. (1911). The Storm. Retrieved from wikiart.org Rivera, D. (1930). Entering the City. 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