#_revsp:yahoo_news_photo_staff_536

[garancefranke-ruta]

Resistance activists look past Trump’s State of the Union speech to November

Andra Day, and Common perform their Grammy and Oscar-nominated song “€œStand Up for Something”€ from the movie Marshall. At “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

“Social justice cocktails! Ice-cold water! You can’t have revolution without cold water!”

Mike, a refreshments vendor at the Town Hall theater in midtown Manhattan who declined to give a last name, tailored his pitch to the crowd Monday evening as he hawked water at $5 a bottle.

It was 24 hours before President Trump’s first State of the Union speech in Washington, and a mixture of well-heeled New Yorkers, boldface names, service and domestic workers, college students and activists had come out on a cold night for an event billed as the People’s State of the Union. Trump’s impending speech was the nominal occasion, but the event — which drew 500,000 views on a Facebook live stream that evening — was also a way for resistance movement activists to recharge for the coming struggle.

A broad array of social justice groups, backed by celebrity star power, had come together for three hours of speeches and music, hoping to buck up their spirits after a rough and tiring year — and looking ahead to the challenge of organizing to capture a majority in the House of Representatives and hundreds or even 1,000 additional state legislative seats this year.

Actor John Leguizamo speaks during the “People’s State of the Union” event at The Town Hall, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

“In 2018, with so many races fast approaching, it is vital that we work to elect progressive, diverse candidates for Congress and state legislatures across this country. But it is not just about voting — not anymore. Given the current state of the Union, fighting for our democracy is going to require all of us, everyday people, to step up and take action,” said actress Cynthia Nixon, who spoke from the New York stage in a lineup that also featured John Leguizamo, Mark Ruffalo, Lee Daniels, Amy Schumer, Wanda Sykes, Kathy Najimy and Michael Moore, with musical appearances by Rufus Wainwright, Andra Day and Common.

“In 2018 each one of us has to do everything we can to reclaim our democracy from foreign and domestic threats that aim to imperil it. It is on us. There is no cavalry coming. We are the cavalry,” she continued, to applause.

More than anything new Trump said, or was likely to say, the State of the Union was for the resistance activist groups an opportunity to rally the troops, boost morale and point to the future. In Washington, Planned Parenthood and an array of women’s groups counterprogrammed against the president’s speech Tuesday night with a program of music and speeches at the National Press Club under the rubric “The State of Our Union.” It was the first time the organization hosted an event during a State of the Union, talking to supporters over the background distractions of the speech as it unfurled on social media. And there too the byword was 2018.

Mark Ruffalo speaks at “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

“We are laser-focused on winning a pro-women’s health majority in Congress. Laser-focused. I dream about it at night. I wake up thinking about it in the morning. I think about nothing else,” Deirdre Schifeling, executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, told Yahoo News. “And at state level. It’s long overdue, and 2018 is our chance to do it.”

From the very beginnings of the resistance movement, it has sought to unite many different streams into a common cause of fighting back against Trump and Republican control of Congress. But the events this week around the State of the Union, a cacophony of online resistance movement speeches and live streams, showcased the progress that has been made in forging a unified front.

Across a year of marches and protests and grassroots get-out-the-vote efforts, the leaders of different groups have gotten to know each other. There have been Slack channels and conference calls and after-action working groups, endless call-your-congressman drives and letter-writing campaigns and difficult conversations about whose voices should lead. Celebrities who once made star turns at activist events and did a little fundraising have become activists inside their own industries, backed by the support of the new women’s movement and using their stardom to spotlight it. Minority rights groups that existed before Trump was elected — groups fighting police violence against African-Americans, the deportation of undocumented Latin American immigrants brought to America as children, and for LGBTQ rights — have been become a key part of the larger movement that has sprung up since the election, merging with the growing river of women’s activist groups and newly formed efforts to defend refugees and religious minorities.

“I think the most powerful thing that’s come from all the attacks that many of our communities are under is the strong unity that I feel … in my bones today,” said Christina Jimenez, executive director of United We Dream, the immigrant youth network, from the stage in New York. “I know that the state of our union — this union — all of these social justice movements coming together — is stronger than ever. And that’s what scares them.”

“Are you ready to hit the polls?” she cried, to cheers.

Christina Jimenez (C), co-founder of United We Dream, raises her fist alongside other so-called Dreamers at the “People’s State of the Union” event one day ahead of President Trump’s State of The Union Speech to Congress, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

“There is no more important day this year” than Nov. 6, said filmmaker Moore in New York. “Not your birthday. Not your wedding anniversary. Not flag day. … My friends, as much as I tried to warn the country that Trump was going to win by winning those four states, I am here tonight to tell you that I believe that we can accomplish this by a tsunami of voters overwhelming the polling places on November 6 so that no poll will be able to close at its stated time.”

He offered four things to do in 2018 so that there is “a widespread massive removal of Republicans from the House and the Senate the likes of which this country has never seen.” The starting point: “Over the next 10 months, I want you to identify 20 people who did not vote in the 2016 election and get them all to vote on Election Day, November 6.” Also on the list: running for office, demanding that Democratic candidates weigh in on the impeachment of Trump and not worrying about Mike Pence.

“The purpose of the 2018 election is we are electing the jury for the trial of Donald J. Trump,” said Moore.

Getting an additional 2 million nonvoters to vote would also help, he said. Registering an additional 1 million voters from traditionally disenfranchised groups in critical states is the big 2018 goal for the Women’s March. “Our undocumented brothers and sisters cannot vote, so we must vote for them,” said Paula Mendoza, a leader of the March organization.

Michael Moore speaks during the “People’s State of the Union” event one day ahead of President Trump’s State of The Union Speech to Congress, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

In New York, there was little mincing of words and none of the soft, polished phrases favored by D.C. advocacy groups. No one was worried about being mocked by conservatives for a too-bald focus on diversity or shamed on Twitter as unserious for raising, as Leguizamo did, the specter of Nazi Germany.

Leaders of indigenous rights, labor, immigrant rights, social justice and environmental groups were all there “to start to lay out the path for a greater victory in 2018. Because we’re winning back Congress,” Ruffalo proclaimed.

The evening was raw, angry and historically aware of its place in the decades’ — or centuries’ — long struggle for civil rights that sometimes involves elected politicians and sometimes doesn’t, but always, always involves figures from American culture. Singer Andra Day, who performed alone and with rapper Common at the People’s State of the Union, just as she had the night before at the Grammy Awards, urged the audience to have the resilience “to continue the fight, to finish the fight. Because it’s worth it even if you don’t see the results in this lifetime.”

The women’s event in Washington was a bit more upbeat and cheerful, perhaps because Planned Parenthood has succeeded over the past year in fending off congressional efforts to defund the organization or repeal the Affordable Care Act wholesale, while at the same time seeing an enormous outpouring of grassroots support and donations.

The anger and despair of the immediate postelection period has given way to a new excitement as the resistance movement has proved not just durable but bigger and stronger than many observers expected. “We are in an amazing movement moment, more than I have ever seen,” Ben Halle, press secretary for Planned Parenthood Federation of America, told Yahoo News about the new “united front” on the left. The “Our State of the Union” event came together in a week and a half.

FILE – In this Tuesday, July 26, 2016 file photo, Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards waves after speaking during the second day of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

Cecile Richards, the president of Planned Parenthood who recently announced plans to retire, spoke as Trump’s remarks wound down. “It’s not that women haven’t been speaking. For centuries women have been speaking out, right? But now we have found a new frequency, and folks are finally listening,” she said, echoing the words of Tarana Burke, who a decade ago founded the anti-sexual violence group Me Too whose name has since become a hashtag.

“While so many women have been empowered to speak up in this last year, this is not just about us finding our voices. We have been raising our voices. I’m talking about issues that plague us in our communities for decades. The real difference is our renewed commitment to working collectively across industries and across issues, like we are seeing tonight,” said Burke at the event. “We have no choice but to lean into our collective power” and move out of issue silos, she said.

Amid the fatigue of ceaseless activism, the uniting of once separate movements into something larger is something for the activists to hang on to. “It’s inspiring to see so many organizations and activists from a broad cross-section of movements coming together to review the state of the resistance,” the Women’s March said in a statement after Trump’s speech. “It’s time that we channel the energy and activism into tangible strategies and concrete wins in 2018.”

“The one silver lining in Trump is that we have created the mother of all movements,” Ruffalo had said, opening the People’s State of the Union in Manhattan. “We have come together. It’s a transformational, international movement of decency. Our eyes wide open. We are wide awake. And we are looking around at each other for the first time in probably decades.”

A guest in the audience wears an “Impeach” jacket, at “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

Read more from Yahoo News:

Skullduggery Episode 3: Who did you vote for?

‘What will it change?’ Rural Iowa has better things to watch than a State of the Union

Trump’s 1st State of the Union vs. Obama’s: By the numbers

Military blames ‘human error’ for hidden Afghan war data

Photos: 2018 State of the Union

[andrewromanoyahoo]

The Trump effect shows Dems a path to putting the Senate in play

Yahoo News photo Illustration; photos: AP, Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images

As the Trump-Russia investigation expands and Beltway insiders on both sides of the aisle begin to buzz about impeachment, the 2018 election is probably not the GOP’s No. 1 problem right now.

But outside Washington, the midterm jockeying is already well underway — and what was expected to be one of the most GOP-friendly Senate maps in decades is suddenly looking far less welcoming for Republicans.

“Don’t fall in love with the map,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell warned last month. “The map doesn’t win elections.”

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., holds an April press conference before the vote to confirm Judge Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court. (Photo: Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

It wasn’t supposed to be like this. Pundits have long predicted that Democrats would pick up seats in the House. But the Senate was a different story.

Twenty-five of the 34 seats that will be decided next year are currently held by Dems; 10 of them are in states that Donald Trump won in 2016. We’re talking about states where Hillary Clinton didn’t even come close, like West Virginia (Trump +42 percent), North Dakota (Trump +36 percent), Montana (Trump +20 percent), Indiana (Trump +19 percent) and Missouri (Trump +19 percent). And most of the Republicans up for reelection come from red states as well.

“Reeling Democrats confront brutal 2018 Senate map,” reads a Nov. 17, 2016, Politico headline. “A filibuster-proof majority isn’t out of the question if things break right for the GOP.”

“The 2018 Senate map just keeps getting better for Republicans,” added a Jan. 3 update in the Washington Post.

And yet, in recent weeks, the momentum seems to have shifted. Of course, Republicans could still win big on Nov. 6, 2018. A lot can change in 536 days — and no matter what happens between now and then, the Senate will be an uphill battle for Dems. But if current trends hold — if Trump and his party don’t right the ship — it’s possible they could not only squander a perfect opportunity to pick up seats, but they could also even imperil their majority.

For Democrats, retaking the Senate would require a net gain of three or more seats. Republicans now control the chamber by a 52-48 margin.

There are three factors the GOP needs to worry about.

U.S. Senate candidate Rep. Evan Jenkins speaks May 10, 2017, at the Poky Dot Restaurant in Fairmont, W.Va. Jenkins recently announced his bid against Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin, the state’s popular former governor whose conservative record often puts him at odds with his party. (Photo: Leah Nestor/Times-West Virginian via AP)

The first is recruitment. Sure, a couple of serious Republican challengers have thrown their hats in the proverbial ring. In Ohio, state Treasurer Josh Mandel is gearing up for a rematch with Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown, while in West Virginia, two-term Rep. Evan Jenkins announced his bid Monday against Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin.

But Mandel and Jenkins are the exceptions. In Wisconsin, Gov. Scott Walker and Rep. Sean Duffy have both declined to challenge Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin. In Michigan, none of the top three statewide elected Republicans — Lt. Gov. Brian Calley, Attorney General Bill Schuette and departing Gov. Rick Snyder — are expected to run against Sen. Debbie Stabenow, who will be seeking her fourth term. Montana Republicans were itching to see former Rep. Ryan Zinke go toe-to-toe with Sen. Jon Tester, but then Trump named Zinke secretary of the interior; no prominent Republicans have volunteered (yet) to take Zinke’s place. Meanwhile, Pennsylvania Rep. Pat Meehan, Indiana Rep. Susan Brooks and Ohio Rep. Pat Tiberi have all decided to skip this cycle’s Senate contest.

“Recruiting isn’t exactly what you’d want at this point,” a senior Republican strategist recently told RealClear Politics. “It’s not where it needs to be yet.”

“What compelling reason can anyone give me that this would be a good cycle to run for the United States Senate?” added another. “I don’t know what that is.”

Protesters yell “shame'” to members of Congress on the East Front of the Capitol after the House passed the Republicans’ bill to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act on May 4, 2017. (Photo: Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/Getty Images)

Even the Republicans who plan to run could wind up being weaker than expected. That’s because a majority of them — potential candidates such as Kevin Cramer in North Dakota, Ann Wagner in Missouri, Lou Barletta in Pennsylvania, and Luke Messer and Todd Rokita in Indiana — are current House members who voted in favor of the GOP’s unpopular Obamacare repeal bill earlier this month. According to the latest poll, a full 52 percent of voters oppose the American Health Care Act; only 25 percent support it. Any Republican who voted “aye” on the AHCA is guaranteed to face a barrage of Democratic attack ads next fall.

The second factor the GOP needs to fret about is the relative strength of 2018’s Democratic incumbents. Indiana’s Joe Donnelly, North Dakota’s Heidi Heitkamp, Missouri’s Claire McCaskill, West Virginia’s Manchin, Montana’s Tester — all of them look vulnerable on paper. And they may be.

But remember: Incumbency is a powerful advantage, and the reason these Democrats were able to beat the odds and win in red states is that they were in tune with their constituents to begin with. According to Morning Consult, 60 percent of North Dakotans approve of Heitkamp; 57 percent of Montanans support Tester; and 57 percent of West Virginians approve of Manchin. Donnelly’s approval rating (46 percent) is 20 points higher than his disapproval number (26 percent), and even McCaskill, the least popular of the bunch, is above water (by 8 percentage points).

Sen. Heidi Heitkamp, D-N.D., talks with reporters following a 2015 Democratic Senate policy luncheon. (Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Heitkamp is a good example. In 2012, she won by a mere 2,881 votes. But since then, the freshman senator has voted to confirm Trump appointee Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court. She’s pro-gun, pro-coal, and pro-oil and -gas. As North Dakota Republican Brian Kalk, a former candidate for Congress, recently told the Associated Press, “there has to be an overwhelming reason for voters to leave her.”

Fundraising could be an issue as well. Thanks to Trump, Democratic donations are skyrocketing, and the party’s most imperiled Senate incumbents are likely to have plenty of money for the midterms. According to the AP, “McCaskill had raised $2.8 million as of last month and had more than $3 million in her campaign account. [Pennsylvania Sen. Bob] Casey has raised nearly as much, $2.7 million, and had $3.8 million in his campaign account. Brown had raised more than $2.4 million and had $5 million on hand, while Stabenow has raised $1.4 million and had a healthy $4.3 million banked. [And] in Florida, Sen. Bill Nelson had raised roughly $2 million through March, [with] roughly $3.6 million on hand last month.”

Which brings us, finally, to the third factor Republicans need to worry about: the president himself. A midterm election is almost always a referendum on the man in the Oval Office — and even in normal times, the day rarely goes well for his party.

From left: Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, President Trump, and Russian Ambassador to the United States Sergey Kislyak during a meeting in the Oval Office. (Photo: Alexander Shcherbak\Tass via Getty Images)

These are not normal times. One hundred nineteen days into his presidency, Trump is under siege. His legislative agenda is stalled. Questions about his campaign’s possible collusion with Russia have consumed the national conversation; new reports surface daily about how he may have attempted to curtail or influence the ongoing investigations. His approval rating currently averages 39.4 percent — lower than any other president on record at the four-month mark. And those surveys were taken before this week’s damaging revelations had a chance to fully sink in.

The president��s popularity is the single biggest influence on a midterm election, and if Trump continues to crater, his party’s Senate majority could be at risk. In 2014 and 2016, conservative political analyst Sean Trende “used a simple model to show that Senate races can be predicted accurately using presidential approval, the partisanship of the state, incumbency and candidate quality.” The latest version of Trende’s model says that Democrats would likely take control of the Senate if Trump’s approval rating falls to 32 percent — a drop of 7.4 points from the current number. The way things are going now, that’s not impossible to imagine. Harry Truman, Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush all slipped below the 30 percent mark during their presidencies.

Again, none of this is certain. Senate Democrats are still the underdogs, and that’s unlikely to change. But it’s worth noting that in 2012, the party was saddled with the same Senate map they’ll be saddled with in 2018 — and they managed to gain two seats regardless.

Recruitment played a role that year: Todd Akin lost to McCaskill in part because of his remarks on “legitimate rape”; Indiana’s Richard Mourdock faced considerable backlash for his ill-considered comments on abortion. The national political climate also contributed. Barack Obama won a fairly easy reelection fight against Mitt Romney, boosting down-ticket Democrats nationwide.

Sen. Mark Kirk, R-Ill., second from left, and Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., second from right, wave at the Capitol in 2013. (Photo: Pete Marovich/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

In that regard, 2012 might not look, at first glance, like a good model for 2018: More Democrats tend to show up for a presidential election than for a midterm. But motivation matters. If Trump doesn’t recover in time — and the riled-up Democratic coalition is just as inspired to vote against him as it was to vote for Obama — it’s possible that Democrats won’t just compete for control of House. They could upend the conventional wisdom and put the Senate in play as well.

_____

Read more from Yahoo News:

Trump escaping chaos at home to turmoil abroad

Pence’s role as loyal soldier risks long-term damage

Five things to know about Joe Lieberman, potential FBI pick

Bai: Is John Kasich finishing the tour, or just getting started?

Photos: Vehicle strikes pedestrians in Times Square

[h-bailey]

Las Vegas casino workers recognize Stephen Paddock: ‘I wish I had never seen his face’

Blown-out windows in a hotel suite used by accused Las Vegas shooter Stephen Paddock Monday at the Mandalay Bay Resort and Casino in Las Vegas, Nev. (Photo: Holly Bailey/Yahoo News)

LAS VEGAS — The name sounded familiar, but when the she saw the first public photo of Stephen Paddock, she recognized the man who police say shot and killed at least 58 people and injured more than 500 more at concert here Sunday night.

A worker at the Tropicana Casino and Resort, which sits next door to the Route 91 Harvest Music Festival and became a refuge for the injured and those seeking shelter in the aftermath of deadly shooting, said Paddock was a regular at the casino who spent tens of thousands of dollars gambling in recent weeks.

The worker, who declined to be named because she was not authorized to publicly discuss the matter, said an initial review by the casino had found Paddock had gambled an estimated $35,000 in recent weeks and in upwards of $300,000 at the property in the past. A spokesperson for the hotel did not respond to a request for comment about the numbers, but multiple workers at the hotel said they had recognized Paddock as a regular who spent time gambling at the slot machines.

There was nothing remarkable about Paddock, the worker said. “But when people come in a lot, you recognize them,” she said, adding, “I wish I had never seen his face before.”

This undated photo provided by Eric Paddock shows his brother, Las Vegas gunman Stephen Paddock. (Photo: courtesy of Eric Paddock via AP)

As police continued to search for a motive explaining why Paddock, a 64-year-old real estate investor from Mesquite, Nev., unleashed a deadly barrage of bullets on concertgoers before committing suicide, part of unlocking that puzzle began to center on his time as an avid gambler. His younger brother Eric, who lives in Orlando, Fla., told reporters that Paddock had made millions from real estate investments and from professional gambling.

Investigators continued to comb Paddock’s hotel room and vehicle at the Mandalay Bay Resort and Casino, where he checked into a luxury suite last Thursday and used the windows to shoot at concertgoers across the street. At the same time, law enforcement officials also fanned out up and down the strip looking for clues.

Two investigators, wearing jackets that read “FBI,” were spotted coming out of Caesars on Tuesday morning, where casino employees said they believe Paddock had been a regular. Law enforcement officials were also spotted speaking to staff at the MGM Grand and the Bellagio, according to employees there — though it was unclear if they were federal agents or detectives with the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department, which is leading the investigation.

NBC News reported Tuesday, citing law enforcement sources, that Paddock held the “highest status” gambling tier at Caesars Entertainment properties. The Seven Stars Tiers Status is granted by invitation only, usually after a player has achieved 150,000 “tier credits” in a year. According to the Caesars website, players get 1 tier credit after spending $5 on a slot machine or $10 on a video poker machine — the latter of which was said to be Paddock’s game of choice, according to his younger brother.

At Caesars, which is about 2 miles from the shooting site, several employees said they thought they recognized Paddock but couldn’t say for sure. For gamblers who play electronic machines, “there is less engagement than if he were at the tables,” one employee said.  “Some people just sit at the machines and get into their zone, and you leave them be.”

A couple speaks to a Las Vegas police officer guarding the perimeter of the Route 91 Harvest Festival site Monday in Las Vegas, Nev. (Photo: Holly Bailey/Yahoo News)

Paddock had gambled with at least $160,000 in recent weeks, NBC reported, citing law enforcement sources. The figure came from Currency Transaction Reports, which casinos are required to file by the Treasury Department and IRS when a transaction involves “a cash-in and cash-out of more than $10,000 in a gaming day.” Officials told NBC there had been 16 reports filed for Paddock, but the documents did not list whether he won or lost money.

At Mandalay Bay, where Paddock unleashed his terror from a room on the 32nd floor, dozens of FBI agents continued to work the scene Tuesday, casting a surreal quality to a scene where hip hop music blared from the sound system throughout the lobby, on the casino floor and where gamblers were drinking cocktails and playing slots.

Agents were spotted speaking to casino employees near the registration desk and near the bank of elevators that ferry guests to the higher floors of the hotel. Others were out front walking Las Vegas Boulevard inch by inch looking for clues, as local officials prepared to reopen the road for the first time since Sunday’s shooting.

Police tape cordoned off a large part of the Mandalay Bay driveway, where Paddock’s car was said to still be parked in the valet.

An FBI evidence response team looks over the crime scene following the mass shooing at the Route 91 Harvest Country Music Festival on the Las Vegas Strip in Las Vegas, Nev., Oct. 3, 2017. (Digitally enhanced photo: Mike Blake/Reuters)

_____

Read more from Yahoo News:

A surreal scene as Las Vegas returns to business after Sunday massacre

Portrait of a mass killer: The details don’t add up

Las Vegas, a ‘soft target,’ long feared an attack

Now I Get It: Why haven’t authorities named Las Vegas gunman a terrorist?

Photos: Scenes from the Las Vegas mass shooting

Photos: The front page: How newspapers portrayed the Vegas massacre

Photos: Makeshift memorials pay tribute to Las Vegas shooting victims

[jerryadler-blog]

The ‘body politic’ rejects Donald Trump

(Yahoo News photo Illustration; photos: AP, Getty)

As Donald Trump spent the week flailing in a web of his own contradictions and half-hearted retractions in his handling of the deaths in Charlottesville, the question of his survival in office inevitably began creeping into the political dialogue. Official betting odds that the president would be gone from the White House before the end of his first term spiked on Monday when he memorably blamed the deadly violence on “many sides,” and by Thursday had settled at near even money. That same day, Rep. Steve Cohen, D-Tenn., ranking member of the House Judiciary subcommittee on the Constitution, said he planned to introduce articles of impeachment, an idea that has also been floated by some high-profile Democratic legislators including Sen. Elizabeth Warren.

But Cohen’s justification – “President Trump has failed the presidential test of moral leadership. No moral president would ever shy away from outright condemning hatred, intolerance and bigotry” – suggests that his effort is, at best, premature. There is no “test of moral leadership” in the Constitution, and failure to condemn bigotry, however reprehensible, wouldn’t seem to rise to the level of “high crimes and misdemeanors” which the Founding Fathers set as the bar for removal from office.

Impeachment (in the House of Representatives) and conviction (in the Senate) require a legal predicate, and it’s not clear that one exists yet; it is most likely to arise out of the investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller into Trump’s business dealings or his handling of the investigation into Russian meddling in last year’s election. But it is also a political process, and the political climate is moving in that direction. Political not just in the narrow sense of which party controls Congress, but in a broad sense that embraces the media, public opinion, and the much-reviled (by Trump) “establishment.” It goes sometimes by the term “body politic”—and like the human body, it has a mechanism for protecting itself by rejecting what it perceives as alien or harmful. And that, clearly, is what is happening to Trump.

To be sure, Trump’s background in real estate and entertainment made him less than a natural fit for the presidency from the outset, and it was only natural that the inhabitants of what he likes to call the “swamp” would regard him with suspicion. But the past several weeks have seen an extraordinary effort from many sides to marginalize and isolate the president, to seal him off where he can do the least damage to the institutions of American democracy. Trump calls for one last effort to pass a health-care bill, and the Republican-led Congress ignores him, with a pointed observation from Mitch McConnell that the president doesn’t understand the legislative process. Trump equivocates on denouncing neo-Nazi and white supremacist marchers, and senators, including many from his own party, do it instead, in some cases specifically and personally calling him to task. Trump tweets out a policy change to dismiss transgendered servicemen and women; the Pentagon says it doesn’t know anything about it, and weeks later the military brass have taken no action to implement it.

The nation’s most prominent corporate executives, bankers and labor leaders resign their prestigious seats on Trump’s advisory councils, leading him to disband the organizations altogether. Most of the media long ago crossed the red line of labeling Trump a liar, but Thursday even the reliably Trump-boosting New York Post, owned by his ally Rupert Murdoch, called him out for promulgating the “fake story” of General John Pershing executing Muslim prisoners with bullets dipped in pigs’ blood.

Every president faces opposition, of course, and rumors about various Cabinet members on the verge of quitting are nothing new in Washington. But what is so unusual about Trump’s position is that the opposition he faces isn’t just political; it is coming from Democrats, obviously, but also from members of his own party (earlier this week, Chuck Todd invited all 52 GOP senators to discuss Trump on his weekday show MTP Daily; not one accepted). And it’s coming from outsiders whose interests and positions are actually aligned with his. The body politic is rejecting not Trump’s policies, but Trump himself, for qualities and behavior so aberrant in a president that they seem to threaten the whole organism—his reckless swagger in foreign affairs, his blindness toward bigotry and violence, his utter disregard for civic norms and for the truth. The country is in a fever over Donald Trump; the immune system is on high alert; but as always in politics, the prognosis is anything but clear.

Read more from Yahoo News:

Trump reacts to Barcelona terror by touting (debunked) anti-Muslim war crime tale

‘It’s sacrilegious’: The lucrative market in fake Native American art

Charlottesville is a target for the alt-right. Its Jewish mayor is emerging as a national voice.

Confederate monuments testify to the Union’s unfinished victory

Photos: Five suspected terrorists shot dead by police in Cambrils, Spain

[garancefranke-ruta]

Resistance activists look past Trump’s State of the Union speech to November

Andra Day, and Common perform their Grammy and Oscar-nominated song “€œStand Up for Something”€ from the movie Marshall. At “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

“Social justice cocktails! Ice-cold water! You can’t have revolution without cold water!”

Mike, a refreshments vendor at the Town Hall theater in midtown Manhattan who declined to give a last name, tailored his pitch to the crowd Monday evening as he hawked water at $5 a bottle.

It was 24 hours before President Trump’s first State of the Union speech in Washington, and a mixture of well-heeled New Yorkers, boldface names, service and domestic workers, college students and activists had come out on a cold night for an event billed as the People’s State of the Union. Trump’s impending speech was the nominal occasion, but the event — which drew 500,000 views on a Facebook live stream that evening — was also a way for resistance movement activists to recharge for the coming struggle.

A broad array of social justice groups, backed by celebrity star power, had come together for three hours of speeches and music, hoping to buck up their spirits after a rough and tiring year — and looking ahead to the challenge of organizing to capture a majority in the House of Representatives and hundreds or even 1,000 additional state legislative seats this year.

Actor John Leguizamo speaks during the “People’s State of the Union” event at The Town Hall, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

“In 2018, with so many races fast approaching, it is vital that we work to elect progressive, diverse candidates for Congress and state legislatures across this country. But it is not just about voting — not anymore. Given the current state of the Union, fighting for our democracy is going to require all of us, everyday people, to step up and take action,” said actress Cynthia Nixon, who spoke from the New York stage in a lineup that also featured John Leguizamo, Mark Ruffalo, Lee Daniels, Amy Schumer, Wanda Sykes, Kathy Najimy and Michael Moore, with musical appearances by Rufus Wainwright, Andra Day and Common.

“In 2018 each one of us has to do everything we can to reclaim our democracy from foreign and domestic threats that aim to imperil it. It is on us. There is no cavalry coming. We are the cavalry,” she continued, to applause.

More than anything new Trump said, or was likely to say, the State of the Union was for the resistance activist groups an opportunity to rally the troops, boost morale and point to the future. In Washington, Planned Parenthood and an array of women’s groups counterprogrammed against the president’s speech Tuesday night with a program of music and speeches at the National Press Club under the rubric “The State of Our Union.” It was the first time the organization hosted an event during a State of the Union, talking to supporters over the background distractions of the speech as it unfurled on social media. And there too the byword was 2018.

Mark Ruffalo speaks at “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

“We are laser-focused on winning a pro-women’s health majority in Congress. Laser-focused. I dream about it at night. I wake up thinking about it in the morning. I think about nothing else,” Deirdre Schifeling, executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, told Yahoo News. “And at state level. It’s long overdue, and 2018 is our chance to do it.”

From the very beginnings of the resistance movement, it has sought to unite many different streams into a common cause of fighting back against Trump and Republican control of Congress. But the events this week around the State of the Union, a cacophony of online resistance movement speeches and live streams, showcased the progress that has been made in forging a unified front.

Across a year of marches and protests and grassroots get-out-the-vote efforts, the leaders of different groups have gotten to know each other. There have been Slack channels and conference calls and after-action working groups, endless call-your-congressman drives and letter-writing campaigns and difficult conversations about whose voices should lead. Celebrities who once made star turns at activist events and did a little fundraising have become activists inside their own industries, backed by the support of the new women’s movement and using their stardom to spotlight it. Minority rights groups that existed before Trump was elected — groups fighting police violence against African-Americans, the deportation of undocumented Latin American immigrants brought to America as children, and for LGBTQ rights — have been become a key part of the larger movement that has sprung up since the election, merging with the growing river of women’s activist groups and newly formed efforts to defend refugees and religious minorities.

“I think the most powerful thing that’s come from all the attacks that many of our communities are under is the strong unity that I feel … in my bones today,” said Christina Jimenez, executive director of United We Dream, the immigrant youth network, from the stage in New York. “I know that the state of our union — this union — all of these social justice movements coming together — is stronger than ever. And that’s what scares them.”

“Are you ready to hit the polls?” she cried, to cheers.

Christina Jimenez (C), co-founder of United We Dream, raises her fist alongside other so-called Dreamers at the “People’s State of the Union” event one day ahead of President Trump’s State of The Union Speech to Congress, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

“There is no more important day this year” than Nov. 6, said filmmaker Moore in New York. “Not your birthday. Not your wedding anniversary. Not flag day. … My friends, as much as I tried to warn the country that Trump was going to win by winning those four states, I am here tonight to tell you that I believe that we can accomplish this by a tsunami of voters overwhelming the polling places on November 6 so that no poll will be able to close at its stated time.”

He offered four things to do in 2018 so that there is “a widespread massive removal of Republicans from the House and the Senate the likes of which this country has never seen.” The starting point: “Over the next 10 months, I want you to identify 20 people who did not vote in the 2016 election and get them all to vote on Election Day, November 6.” Also on the list: running for office, demanding that Democratic candidates weigh in on the impeachment of Trump and not worrying about Mike Pence.

“The purpose of the 2018 election is we are electing the jury for the trial of Donald J. Trump,” said Moore.

Getting an additional 2 million nonvoters to vote would also help, he said. Registering an additional 1 million voters from traditionally disenfranchised groups in critical states is the big 2018 goal for the Women’s March. “Our undocumented brothers and sisters cannot vote, so we must vote for them,” said Paula Mendoza, a leader of the March organization.

Michael Moore speaks during the “People’s State of the Union” event one day ahead of President Trump’s State of The Union Speech to Congress, in New York City, Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Darren Ornitz/Reuters)

In New York, there was little mincing of words and none of the soft, polished phrases favored by D.C. advocacy groups. No one was worried about being mocked by conservatives for a too-bald focus on diversity or shamed on Twitter as unserious for raising, as Leguizamo did, the specter of Nazi Germany.

Leaders of indigenous rights, labor, immigrant rights, social justice and environmental groups were all there “to start to lay out the path for a greater victory in 2018. Because we’re winning back Congress,” Ruffalo proclaimed.

The evening was raw, angry and historically aware of its place in the decades’ — or centuries’ — long struggle for civil rights that sometimes involves elected politicians and sometimes doesn’t, but always, always involves figures from American culture. Singer Andra Day, who performed alone and with rapper Common at the People’s State of the Union, just as she had the night before at the Grammy Awards, urged the audience to have the resilience “to continue the fight, to finish the fight. Because it’s worth it even if you don’t see the results in this lifetime.”

The women’s event in Washington was a bit more upbeat and cheerful, perhaps because Planned Parenthood has succeeded over the past year in fending off congressional efforts to defund the organization or repeal the Affordable Care Act wholesale, while at the same time seeing an enormous outpouring of grassroots support and donations.

The anger and despair of the immediate postelection period has given way to a new excitement as the resistance movement has proved not just durable but bigger and stronger than many observers expected. “We are in an amazing movement moment, more than I have ever seen,” Ben Halle, press secretary for Planned Parenthood Federation of America, told Yahoo News about the new “united front” on the left. The “Our State of the Union” event came together in a week and a half.

FILE – In this Tuesday, July 26, 2016 file photo, Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards waves after speaking during the second day of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

Cecile Richards, the president of Planned Parenthood who recently announced plans to retire, spoke as Trump’s remarks wound down. “It’s not that women haven’t been speaking. For centuries women have been speaking out, right? But now we have found a new frequency, and folks are finally listening,” she said, echoing the words of Tarana Burke, who a decade ago founded the anti-sexual violence group Me Too whose name has since become a hashtag.

“While so many women have been empowered to speak up in this last year, this is not just about us finding our voices. We have been raising our voices. I’m talking about issues that plague us in our communities for decades. The real difference is our renewed commitment to working collectively across industries and across issues, like we are seeing tonight,” said Burke at the event. “We have no choice but to lean into our collective power” and move out of issue silos, she said.

Amid the fatigue of ceaseless activism, the uniting of once separate movements into something larger is something for the activists to hang on to. “It’s inspiring to see so many organizations and activists from a broad cross-section of movements coming together to review the state of the resistance,” the Women’s March said in a statement after Trump’s speech. “It’s time that we channel the energy and activism into tangible strategies and concrete wins in 2018.”

“The one silver lining in Trump is that we have created the mother of all movements,” Ruffalo had said, opening the People’s State of the Union in Manhattan. “We have come together. It’s a transformational, international movement of decency. Our eyes wide open. We are wide awake. And we are looking around at each other for the first time in probably decades.”

A guest in the audience wears an “Impeach” jacket, at “The People’s State Of The Union” at The Town Hall theater in New York City, NY, on Jan. 29, 2018. (Photo: Cheriss May/NurPhoto)

Read more from Yahoo News:

Skullduggery Episode 3: Who did you vote for?

‘What will it change?’ Rural Iowa has better things to watch than a State of the Union

Trump’s 1st State of the Union vs. Obama’s: By the numbers

Military blames ‘human error’ for hidden Afghan war data

Photos: 2018 State of the Union