#Vladimir Prokofyev

[blogcowboyron]

Putin warns Ukraine use of long-range arms will put NATO at war with Russia

Putin warns Ukraine use of long-range arms will put NATO at war with Russia Ukraine’s Zelenskyy has urged allies to lift restrictions on Western-supplied arms to strike deep inside Russia. President Vladimir Putin has said that Russia would regard Western missiles being fired into its territory as a serious escalation of the war [File: Prokofyev/AFP] Published On 13 Sep 202413 Sep…

[andrewtheprophet]

Germany is about to become a Nuclear Horn: Daniel 7

Putin delivers a speech during the annual Navy Day parade in St Petersburg [Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Sputnik via Reuters] Putin warns US of Cold War-style crisis if missiles deployed to Germany Russian leader threatens to relaunch production of intermediate-range nuclear weapons if the United States deploys missiles to Germany. Russian President Vladimir Putin has warned the United States against…

[parolim-prlm]

U.S. intel chiefs warn Putin is expanding his nuclear weapons arsenal as the war in Ukraine drags on

Russian President Vladimir Putin attends a meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at the Novo-Ogaryovo state residence outside Moscow, Russia April 19, 2022.  Vyacheslav Prokofyev | Sputnik | Reuters WASHINGTON – Russian President Vladimir Putin is likely to further upgrade the Kremlin’s arsenal of long-range nuclear-capable missiles in order to deter Kyiv and its powerful Western…

[courtneytincher]

Russia’s Wagner Mercenaries Have Moved Into Libya. Good Luck With That.

Amru Salahuddien/GettyWarlord Khalifa Haftar began an assault on Tripoli, the capital of Libya, last April. He had seized control of vast swathes of the country with the apparent backing of Russia, the UAE, France and Saudi Arabia, so the offensive by the self-declared field marshal of the “Libyan National Army” raised fears that the city might fall. But five months later, the warlord’s forces are still fighting in the area and appear no closer to capturing Tripoli.One group of people who will not be surprised by this turn of events is a team of shadowy Russian operatives working for an organization heavily implicated in the Kremlin’s adventures from Ukraine to the Central African Republic, Venezuela, Syria, Sudan—and, not least, Vladimir Putin’s covert efforts to influence the U.S. elections of 2016.The CAR Murders: A Critical Cold Case in the New Cold War Points to ‘Putin’s Chef’There have been numerous reports over the last two years of Russian support for Haftar, including claims made by British government officials in March this year about 300 mercenary fighters belonging to the so-called Wagner group, funded by Yevgeny Prigozhin, an ex-con turned caterer with the benefit of huge contracts from Putin. Prigozhin has become the center of a vast network of companies, including media, “troll factories,” oil and mining operations and private military contractors such as Wagner waging plausibly deniable interventions on behalf of Moscow in trouble spots all over the world.Working in collaboration with the Dossier Centre, a London-based investigative team funded by former Russian oligarch and political prisoner Mikhail Khodorkovsky, and The Project, an independent Russian news portal, The Daily Beast has examined a tranche of internal communications from deep inside Prigozhin’s Libya operation, always referred to simply as “the Company.” These files, originally obtained by the Dossier Centre, offer documentary proof that Russia’s military role in Libya is far more extensive than has thus far been reported. They show that, quite apart from running guns for hire and arranging Facebook propaganda campaigns, Prigozhin’s operatives lately got into the business of “government-in-a-box” political consultancy. The Russians appear willing not only to arm but also do PR work for a variety of dubious—and rival—factions in Libya, yet they harbor no illusions as to the popularity or leadership qualities of any of these proxies. They openly advocate rigging elections, for instance, to help Haftar in the likely event he runs for the Libyan presidency. But the Company certainly takes a dim view of what he’s achieved thus far and of his honesty as a Russian client. It accuses the warlord of using his publicized relationship with Russia as a bargaining chip with other actors to raise his stature—all the while failing to cooperate with or even hindering Company personnel. Haftar, Prigozhin’s men allege, consolidates territory not by winning battles but by bribing tribal leaders and officials for the right to plant the LNA flag, using a total of around $150 million provided by the United Arab Emirates. One memo, written on April 10 this year, claims that Haftar even spread disinformation about the presence of 300 mercenaries from the Wagner Group, going as far as having Libyan National Army troops stick paper copies of Russian license plates to their vehicles in order to give the impression of Russian support. (Company employees were dispatched to peel off these fakes.) Nor has the Company been the model of transparency and loyalty in its dealings with Haftar. Remarkably, it entered into an agreement with the leader of Sudan’s notorious Janjaweed militia and Rapid Security Forces, which were responsible for atrocities during the Darfur genocide and the massacre of protesters in Khartoum this June, to attack forces allied to Haftar during his assault in Tripoli. The goal here apparently was to strike a cynical balance of power in Libya— “equilibrium,” in the Company’s phrase—to the benefit of Moscow. Another set of documents outline a strategic alternative to boosting the unimpressive field marshal’s political fortunes—a campaign to help his opponent Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of the late dictator Muammar Gaddafi and an international fugitive from charges of crimes against humanity. Here again the Company is quietly scathing in its depiction of the man it would make president, judging Gaddafi’s competence and psychological disposition unfit for the purpose. On April 3 they presented Gaddafi with a McKinsey-style PowerPoint presentation showing how he might make Libya great again. A postmortem of that encounter suggests this would be no easy undertaking. Gaddafi “has a flawed conception of his own significance,” the post-meeting summary states, arguing that, to work with him, the Company would have to babysit him: “We can’t meet with him once a week, we need a constant presence.”In an effort to boost Gaddafi’s visibility in Libya, the Company set about rehabilitating an old propaganda channel of his late father, Jamahiriya TV, which was taken off-air during the 2011 uprising. The outlet resumed broadcasting in 2012 from a location in Cairo, but suffered frequent breakdowns and interruptions. Prigozhin’s men paid off its debts to both staff and satellite providers. The Company also went about building up a social media apparatus to promote both Haftar and Gaddafi using methods reminiscent of what Prigozhin’s Internet Research Agency got up to during the 2016 U.S. election. It created at least 12 different Facebook groups simultaneously working to promote both Libyans. According to one March briefing, these pages were viewed by over two million users each week, compared with the “usual audience for Libyan Facebook groups” of at least 250,000. Perhaps the most significant disclosure in these files is the naming of a current Russian military officer operating in Libya. An April 6 briefing report states that the Libyan National Army (LNA) had suffered heavy losses as a result of precision artillery deployed by forces loyal to the U.N.-recognized Government of National Accord using advanced munitions. “Representatives of the LNA,” the document states, “appealed to the commander of the Russian group, Lieutenant General A.V. Khalzakov, with a request to deploy a Russian UAV to identify the location of these guns and enable the LNA to capture or destroy them, which was denied.”This apparently refers to Lt. Gen. Andrei Vladimirovich Kholzakov, a deputy commander of Russia’s Airborne Assault Forces, although the document doesn’t state where exactly in Libya he is currently deployed or what his specific functions are. British intelligence officials told The Sun in October last year that Russia had established two bases in Benghazi and Tobruk, with “dozens” of Russian GRU officers and Spetsnaz special forces troops performing “training and liaison roles.” Alexei Kondratyev, deputy chair of the Russian Senate Defense Committee, denied this, telling state media that Russia had no military servicemen in Libya and was not planning to send any, claiming that the report was an attempt to “discredit Russia in its fight against terrorism.”Prigozhin’s long arm in North Africa has already rung alarm bells in Washington and Europe.On May 17 Maksim Shugalei and Samer Hassan Seifan, two Russian nationals, were arrested by the Government of National Accord and accused of attempting to interfere in domestic politics. A letter from the Libyan Prosecutor General’s office seen by Bloomberg claimed that the men were carrying laptops and memory sticks that contained data related to Prigozhin’s interests.An organization in St. Petersburg, the Fund for the Defense of National Values, acknowledged that both men were “sociologists” who had been working for them in Libya in order to “observe the situation,” denying any political interference. The Fund is headed by Aleksandr Malkevich, who received press attention after he was ejected from rented offices in Washington, D.C. last June after attempting to launch a news website called USA Really, a subsidiary of RIA FAN, the news agency run out of the same former premises of the Internet Research Agency, also based in St. Petersburg.Malkevich confirmed to Foreign Policy that his employees had indeed met with Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, but claimed allegations of interference were a U.S. “deep state” project. Another employee of the Fund, Aleksandr Prokofyev, was named in the Libyan prosecutor’s letter. Prokofyev had allegedly been in Libya with Shugalei and Seifan, but had managed to evade arrest. He had in fact returned to Russia on May 14, three days before the arrests were made, as he was on annual leave. Prokofyev told the New York-based Russian-language RTVi news channel that he had been in Libya and had met with Gaddafi, though he again denied political interference, claiming that Gaddafi was not engaged in any political activities—something disproven by these Company documents. Russian Trolls Are Staging a Takeover in Africa—With Help From MercenariesAs it happens, Prokofyev’s name appears in the metadata of that April 3 summary of the Company’s meeting with Gaddafi, suggesting that Prokofyev himself or someone with access to his computer drafted the document. Three other Company files The Daily Beast examined were authored or modified by Pyotr Bychkov, a member of the board of trustees of the Fund for the Defense of National Values and, according to RTVi, the head of the Prigozhin “back office” responsible for coordinating African operations. The battle for Tripoli, meanwhile, persists with no sign of a breakthrough by any side, despite the Libyan National Army’s insistence that the city will be taken “at any moment.” And, despite its serious misgivings about Haftar and attempts to countermand his lackluster campaign, Russia continues to back him. According to Maghreb Confidential, a private French intelligence portal, the field marshal was in Moscow just weeks ago, from Aug. 20 to 24, possibly to endear himself to those who clearly neither admire nor trust him.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines

Amru Salahuddien/GettyWarlord Khalifa Haftar began an assault on Tripoli, the capital of Libya, last April. He had seized control of vast swathes of the country with the apparent backing of Russia, the UAE, France and Saudi Arabia, so the offensive by the self-declared field marshal of the “Libyan National Army” raised fears that the city might fall. But five months later, the warlord’s forces are still fighting in the area and appear no closer to capturing Tripoli.One group of people who will not be surprised by this turn of events is a team of shadowy Russian operatives working for an organization heavily implicated in the Kremlin’s adventures from Ukraine to the Central African Republic, Venezuela, Syria, Sudan—and, not least, Vladimir Putin’s covert efforts to influence the U.S. elections of 2016.The CAR Murders: A Critical Cold Case in the New Cold War Points to ‘Putin’s Chef’There have been numerous reports over the last two years of Russian support for Haftar, including claims made by British government officials in March this year about 300 mercenary fighters belonging to the so-called Wagner group, funded by Yevgeny Prigozhin, an ex-con turned caterer with the benefit of huge contracts from Putin. Prigozhin has become the center of a vast network of companies, including media, “troll factories,” oil and mining operations and private military contractors such as Wagner waging plausibly deniable interventions on behalf of Moscow in trouble spots all over the world.Working in collaboration with the Dossier Centre, a London-based investigative team funded by former Russian oligarch and political prisoner Mikhail Khodorkovsky, and The Project, an independent Russian news portal, The Daily Beast has examined a tranche of internal communications from deep inside Prigozhin’s Libya operation, always referred to simply as “the Company.” These files, originally obtained by the Dossier Centre, offer documentary proof that Russia’s military role in Libya is far more extensive than has thus far been reported. They show that, quite apart from running guns for hire and arranging Facebook propaganda campaigns, Prigozhin’s operatives lately got into the business of “government-in-a-box” political consultancy. The Russians appear willing not only to arm but also do PR work for a variety of dubious—and rival—factions in Libya, yet they harbor no illusions as to the popularity or leadership qualities of any of these proxies. They openly advocate rigging elections, for instance, to help Haftar in the likely event he runs for the Libyan presidency. But the Company certainly takes a dim view of what he’s achieved thus far and of his honesty as a Russian client. It accuses the warlord of using his publicized relationship with Russia as a bargaining chip with other actors to raise his stature—all the while failing to cooperate with or even hindering Company personnel. Haftar, Prigozhin’s men allege, consolidates territory not by winning battles but by bribing tribal leaders and officials for the right to plant the LNA flag, using a total of around $150 million provided by the United Arab Emirates. One memo, written on April 10 this year, claims that Haftar even spread disinformation about the presence of 300 mercenaries from the Wagner Group, going as far as having Libyan National Army troops stick paper copies of Russian license plates to their vehicles in order to give the impression of Russian support. (Company employees were dispatched to peel off these fakes.) Nor has the Company been the model of transparency and loyalty in its dealings with Haftar. Remarkably, it entered into an agreement with the leader of Sudan’s notorious Janjaweed militia and Rapid Security Forces, which were responsible for atrocities during the Darfur genocide and the massacre of protesters in Khartoum this June, to attack forces allied to Haftar during his assault in Tripoli. The goal here apparently was to strike a cynical balance of power in Libya— “equilibrium,” in the Company’s phrase—to the benefit of Moscow. Another set of documents outline a strategic alternative to boosting the unimpressive field marshal’s political fortunes—a campaign to help his opponent Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of the late dictator Muammar Gaddafi and an international fugitive from charges of crimes against humanity. Here again the Company is quietly scathing in its depiction of the man it would make president, judging Gaddafi’s competence and psychological disposition unfit for the purpose. On April 3 they presented Gaddafi with a McKinsey-style PowerPoint presentation showing how he might make Libya great again. A postmortem of that encounter suggests this would be no easy undertaking. Gaddafi “has a flawed conception of his own significance,” the post-meeting summary states, arguing that, to work with him, the Company would have to babysit him: “We can’t meet with him once a week, we need a constant presence.”In an effort to boost Gaddafi’s visibility in Libya, the Company set about rehabilitating an old propaganda channel of his late father, Jamahiriya TV, which was taken off-air during the 2011 uprising. The outlet resumed broadcasting in 2012 from a location in Cairo, but suffered frequent breakdowns and interruptions. Prigozhin’s men paid off its debts to both staff and satellite providers. The Company also went about building up a social media apparatus to promote both Haftar and Gaddafi using methods reminiscent of what Prigozhin’s Internet Research Agency got up to during the 2016 U.S. election. It created at least 12 different Facebook groups simultaneously working to promote both Libyans. According to one March briefing, these pages were viewed by over two million users each week, compared with the “usual audience for Libyan Facebook groups” of at least 250,000. Perhaps the most significant disclosure in these files is the naming of a current Russian military officer operating in Libya. An April 6 briefing report states that the Libyan National Army (LNA) had suffered heavy losses as a result of precision artillery deployed by forces loyal to the U.N.-recognized Government of National Accord using advanced munitions. “Representatives of the LNA,” the document states, “appealed to the commander of the Russian group, Lieutenant General A.V. Khalzakov, with a request to deploy a Russian UAV to identify the location of these guns and enable the LNA to capture or destroy them, which was denied.”This apparently refers to Lt. Gen. Andrei Vladimirovich Kholzakov, a deputy commander of Russia’s Airborne Assault Forces, although the document doesn’t state where exactly in Libya he is currently deployed or what his specific functions are. British intelligence officials told The Sun in October last year that Russia had established two bases in Benghazi and Tobruk, with “dozens” of Russian GRU officers and Spetsnaz special forces troops performing “training and liaison roles.” Alexei Kondratyev, deputy chair of the Russian Senate Defense Committee, denied this, telling state media that Russia had no military servicemen in Libya and was not planning to send any, claiming that the report was an attempt to “discredit Russia in its fight against terrorism.”Prigozhin’s long arm in North Africa has already rung alarm bells in Washington and Europe.On May 17 Maksim Shugalei and Samer Hassan Seifan, two Russian nationals, were arrested by the Government of National Accord and accused of attempting to interfere in domestic politics. A letter from the Libyan Prosecutor General’s office seen by Bloomberg claimed that the men were carrying laptops and memory sticks that contained data related to Prigozhin’s interests.An organization in St. Petersburg, the Fund for the Defense of National Values, acknowledged that both men were “sociologists” who had been working for them in Libya in order to “observe the situation,” denying any political interference. The Fund is headed by Aleksandr Malkevich, who received press attention after he was ejected from rented offices in Washington, D.C. last June after attempting to launch a news website called USA Really, a subsidiary of RIA FAN, the news agency run out of the same former premises of the Internet Research Agency, also based in St. Petersburg.Malkevich confirmed to Foreign Policy that his employees had indeed met with Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, but claimed allegations of interference were a U.S. “deep state” project. Another employee of the Fund, Aleksandr Prokofyev, was named in the Libyan prosecutor’s letter. Prokofyev had allegedly been in Libya with Shugalei and Seifan, but had managed to evade arrest. He had in fact returned to Russia on May 14, three days before the arrests were made, as he was on annual leave. Prokofyev told the New York-based Russian-language RTVi news channel that he had been in Libya and had met with Gaddafi, though he again denied political interference, claiming that Gaddafi was not engaged in any political activities—something disproven by these Company documents. Russian Trolls Are Staging a Takeover in Africa—With Help From MercenariesAs it happens, Prokofyev’s name appears in the metadata of that April 3 summary of the Company’s meeting with Gaddafi, suggesting that Prokofyev himself or someone with access to his computer drafted the document. Three other Company files The Daily Beast examined were authored or modified by Pyotr Bychkov, a member of the board of trustees of the Fund for the Defense of National Values and, according to RTVi, the head of the Prigozhin “back office” responsible for coordinating African operations. The battle for Tripoli, meanwhile, persists with no sign of a breakthrough by any side, despite the Libyan National Army’s insistence that the city will be taken “at any moment.” And, despite its serious misgivings about Haftar and attempts to countermand his lackluster campaign, Russia continues to back him. According to Maghreb Confidential, a private French intelligence portal, the field marshal was in Moscow just weeks ago, from Aug. 20 to 24, possibly to endear himself to those who clearly neither admire nor trust him.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

September 12, 2019 at 09:42AM via IFTTT

[juhopiikki]

Kuinka Mihail Gorbatsov (tuhoksi Neuvostoliiton) valheellisen ruokapulan!?!

Kuten Gorbatshov loi keinotekoisen ruokapula. Siten olosuhteet luotiin murhasta Neuvostoliiton28.1.2017 (2017-01-28)

27

Lähde: adonaris.livejournal.com aikana uudelleenjärjestely maan tarkoituksella tehty niin, että tuotteet ovat myönnetty kuponkeja. Ruoka - tärkein strateginen voimavara. Turvallisuus ja puolustus kykyä maan riippuvaisia sekä läsnäolosta ydinaseita. Mutta tänään, vuonna televisioidaan keskusteluissa keskustella yksi asia: on sota vai ei, ja jotka hyökkäävät meitä - Euroopassa tai Yhdysvalloissa. Herra, niin kauan sitten olimme hyökättiin! Mutta emme kuule sanaakaan tilanteesta kotirintamalla päivän - tuonnin korvaaminen maataloudessa ja elintarvikealalla. Tämä ei ole sattumaa.

Nyt kotimaisten tuotteiden muodostavat 55 prosenttia ruokaostoksista väestöstä. Pre-Gorbatshov Neuvostoliitossa oli yli 95 prosenttia. Elintarvikkeiden turvallisuutta valtion katsotaan taattava 80 prosenttia. Jos luku on alle 50, niin vihollinen voi ottaa maahan paljain käsin.

Kyllä, neuvostoaikana, hedelmällinen vihreät herneet, makkaraa, makkaraa tai juustoa alueella puuttui lihan kohtuuhintaan, vaikka oppilailla oli seisomaan jonoihin. Mutta ostaa markkinoilla tai "saada" tiskin alta Kaksinkertaisen kolminkertainen hinta voi olla melkein mitä tahansa. Paitsi että ananas, banaanit ja muut hedelmät ulkomailla.

Jopa vuonna 1987, elintarvikkeiden tuotanto kasvoi nopeammin kuin väestön kasvu ja palkkojen numeroita. Tuotannon lisäys verrattuna 1980 lihateollisuuden oli 135 prosenttia, voita-juusto - 131, kala - 132, jyrsintä - 123. Keskipalkka nousi 19 prosenttia.

Kaikki elintarviketeollisuuden täystyöllistettyinä ja keskeytyksettä. Mutta myöhään 1988 jopa Moskovassa, jossa asukkaat lähikaupunkeihin ja lähetetyt ihmiset otti kaiken he voisivat "saada", ilmestyi kuponkeja. Pian jo heitä ostamaan jotain kävi lähes mahdotonta. Ihmiset olivat töissä yötä päivää linjassa, kolmen tunnin välein järjestämällä roll. Lähes taisteli ja ihmetteli: Missä ovat yhtäkkiä on saanut, jopa tupakan?

Johtopäätöksenä voi tehdä vain: puutos on luotu keinotekoisesti, ei tuotantovaiheen ja jakelun. Ja paras todiste: 01 tammikuu 1992 alkoi Gaidarin n "shokki terapia" ja tammikuussa 2 ruokakauppaan hyllyt ovat täynnä. Tuotteita tuli kalliimpia päivä päivältä joskus yli 30 prosenttia.

Ruoka huijaus

On asiakirjan suorituskykyä tulevaisuudessa ensimmäisen pormestari Gavriil Popov on alueiden välinen varakonsernijohtaja, jossa hän sanoi, että on tarpeen luoda tilanne ruokaa liikkeeseen kuponkeja, - sanoi Juri Prokofyev , ensimmäinen sihteeri Moscow City Party komitean 1989-1991. - Että se on närkästynyt työntekijöitä ja vastustavansa neuvostohallinnon.

Juri Luzhkovin , sitten "nachprod" Moskova selitti alkanut keskeytyksiä niin. Kuten, "liha Moskovassa voisimme tarjota paljon enemmän, jotta täysin vastaamaan kysyntään, mutta edessä purkamisen kylmässä kohdissa ei salli. Sillä ei riitä tiet, jääkaapit eivät ehdi purkaa. "

Demokraatit-popovtsev koskettaa bredyatina tämä: pelkästään byrokraattinen sabotaasin ja provokaatio, helmikuussa 1917 liberaalit keinotekoisesti luotu pulaa Petrogradin kaataa Nikolai II . Nyt Moskovassa perustaa komiteoita torjumiseksi sabotaasi. Naiivi harrastajat meni niille yksinkertainen viesti: jääkaapissa osio jäädytetyn lihan voidaan syöttää suoraan teiden Moskovan jättiläinen tehtaissa. Esimerkiksi raketti ja tilaa niitä. Khrunichev, jonka palveluksessa on noin 80000 työntekijää ja metallurgisen tehtaan "sirppi ja vasara" ja "Moskvich" ja 20-vahvat joukkueet ja muut. Kaikki ay jaettaisiin, työntekijät puretaan, mutta ei. Tässä järjestelmässä ei kilo lihaa ei päästä jälleenmyyjille. Mutta työntekijät eivät tienneet: tämä on uusi luokka kauppiaiden-tenevikov vaalittava perestroika.

Kuponkeja rakenneuudistuksen vihan ja epäsopua. Tällaisen rajoitukset tarkoituksella paloi separatistisia tunteita. Ihmiset kerrottiin, että kaikki heidän ongelmia, koska naapurit

Kun televisio-ohjelma "600 sekuntia" vuonna 1989 -1991 vuotta säännöllisesti osoitti, kuinka maasta alueita sisäänkäyntien sekä pääkaupungeissa upottaa sen "kuponkeja" Tuotteet ojassa, koska niitä ei ole päästetty kaupunkiin.

- Tuli koostumuksia lihaa, voita. Mene kaverit purkaa, kuten aina, opiskelijat. He sanovat matkalla:

"On sinulle rahaa, ulos että olit edes lähelle" ,

- Muistutti Nikolai Ryzhkov puheenjohtaja Neuvostoliiton ministerineuvoston 1985-1990. Hän oli ensimmäinen luokitus kuin hoppu kohti yhden miehen sääntö , Boris Jeltsin , jotta häpäistä hänen kilpailijansa Gorbatshovin , yksi päivä pysähtyi "korjattavaksi" 26 tupakka tehtaat 28 nykyisten! Koska savukkeita katosi maassa.

- Päätöslauselma hallituksen hankintaa varten tuotujen tavaroiden pudotti kultavarannot Neuvostoliiton - näyttää Mikhail Poltoranin , entinen paina ministeri ja kiihkeä kannattaja Jeltsinin, josta tuli varapuheenjohtaja hallituksen. - Gold virtasi ulkomaille, ja varjolla "zabugornogo" usein ulos "alkuperäinen". Esimerkiksi satamissa Leningrad, Riikaan tai Tallinnassa aluksia ladattu halpa maissijauho, skirted meritse Kreikka ja Espanja tuli Odessa kanssa "tuodaan" ruokaa vehnä 120 $ tonni.

Jälleenmyyjät wielded avoimesti. Ihmiset alkoivat poistua neliö vaatien loppua ryöstely maan. Juuri tämä reaktio, ja koko uudelleenjärjestely demokraattien haetaan.

Luzhkovin ja Popov piilottaa tuotteita moskovalaisten ja tavarataloja. Kuva: RIA "Novosti"

Koska romahtaminen talouden

* 01 tammikuu 1987 - päivä käsitys puolueen nomenklatuuraan liiketoimintaa. Aiemmin monopolioikeuksia valtion komitean ulkoministeriön kauppaa ja taloussuhteiden on vienti-tuonti toiminnot saada välittömästi 20 ministeriöt ja 70 suurten yritysten. Johtajuutta ja esiintyjät ovat tilassa.

* 28 tammikuu 1987 alkaa luomista "Komsomolin taloutta." Eri puolilla maata, johdolla on Komsomolin muodostunut keskusten tieteellisen ja teknisen luovuuden nuorten (TSNTTM). Ongelma - uusien teknologioiden kaikilla aloilla kansantalouden. Se oli Klondike voittoa. Alle kuusi kuukautta, laki valtion liikelaitoksista (Association) valtuutettu, jonka toiminta olisi ammuttu ensin: konversio kuin käteistä käteisellä. Yksinoikeus lunastaminen antoi sen TSNTTM. Tulevaisuudessa rikastuminen kahden ryhmän tulevan liiketoiminnan eliitin: hallinta valtionyhtiöiden ja luovia keskuksia itse.

Huoltoa varten kesti 18-33 prosenttia, josta viisi prosenttia vähennettyjä koordinointineuvoston kaupungin komitean puolueen. Sen toiminta, "Komsomol" mukana sukulaisten ja ystävien järjestämistä varten kuvitteellisen väliaikainen keskuksia, kun otetaan huomioon "korko" johtajien. Näin alkoi kehitys korruptio järjestelmiä. Ajoi TSNTTM "Menatep", johtaa Mihail Hodorkovskin . Hänen kumppaninsa oli Leonid Nevzlin ja uppoamaton kanssa Jeltsinin aikakausi , Vladislav Surkov , nyt avustaja Venäjän presidentti. Kilpailijat - Vladimir Preobraženskin , tulevaisuuden johtaja Inkombanka ja "VimpelComissa", "Wimm-Bill-Dann Foods", Sergei Lisowski , kuuluisa "tapaus laatikon kopiokoneesta" kanssa $ 538 miljoonaa euroa käteisenä. Monet omistajat joukkotiedotusvälineiden ja maanomistajia.

* 26 toukokuu 1988 laki "yhteistyöstä Neuvostoliiton" ja mahdollistaa olla varajäseniä alalla muodostaa osuuskunnille ja yhteisyrityksen ulkomaalaisia. Lähinnä tuotteiden vienti ulkomaille kartuttamiseksi valuuttaa. On ensimmäinen teneviki joukossa omistettu päät sääntelyvirastoja OBKHSS, KGB ja muut turvallisuusjoukot liittyvä rikollinen maailmaan. Mutta maiden SEV, ja että Neuvostoliitto, Puola, Tsekkoslovakia, Unkari, Romania, Bulgaria, Saksan demokraattinen tasavalta, Mongolia, Vietnam, Albania, Kuuba, kansainväliset maksut tehtiin siirrettävissä ruplaa. Yhden hinnalla oli 0.987412 grammaa puhdasta kultaa. Se oli sellainen maailman ensimmäinen virtuaalinen kovaa ylikansallinen valuutta, eivät kuulu lunastettaessa.

* Vuonna 1990 Gorbatshovin ja Ryzhkov pakko SEV päättää, että kauppa toteutetaan vain dollareita. SEV mailla ei ole dollaria. "Kuiville" IMF: n ja Maailmanpankin kanssa. Luomalla kysyntää amerikkalainen raha, Gorbatšov riisuttu kotimaassaan markkinoille suunnitellun tuloja ja siirrettiin US valvoa koko vaikutusalueella Neuvostoliiton. Mikä vaikutus elintarvikemarkkinoilla. Uusi porvaristo alkoi viedä varastoistamme kaikki - voista, kalaa ja lihaa viljaan, maitotiiviste, sokeri ja kuivatut hedelmät. Eikä vain maissa SEV - Saksassa, esimerkiksi ulkomaille ja valuutta Bashkiria lihan ajoi junissa, mutta myös Yhdistyneessä kuningaskunnassa, ei okuchennye Neuvostoliiton maita Afrikassa ja Intiassa.

* 26 joulukuu 1991 Neuvostoliitto lakkasi olemasta. Seuraavana aamuna oli laki "On kiireellisten toimenpiteiden toteuttamista maareformi VSFNT." Alkoi massa pakotettiin nopeutettu de-kollektivisointia ja istutus kylässä rikollisen ja oligarkkisten kapitalismi.

vieraassa maassa

Siitä kuinka Jeltsin viimeisteli maataloudessa ja poistaa maan elintarvikkeiden turvallisuutta, meille kerrotaan, että materiaali , "Jeltsin petti kotimaa ja sen ihmisiä" .

Lisää on tosiasia: mukaan asiantuntija-arvioiden, ulkomaalaisten kautta ehdokkaat vuonna 2013 ostettu noin 3 miljoonaa hehtaaria parasta maatalousmaan maassamme. Kaukoidässä, on pitkään isännöi Kiinan ja muun Venäjän, noin miljoona hehtaaria peltoa ohjataan tai omistuksessa eurooppalaisten ja Kazakstan. Vaikka virallisesti myynti ja osto peltoa - ultraboundary rikoksen.

Koska Putin tuli valtaan maataloustuista kasvoi hieman. Pidetyssä kokouksessa maatalouspolitiikasta 19 toukokuu 2008 valtionpäämies sanoi, että Venäjä pitäisi tulla merkittäväksi globaalissa elintarvikemarkkinoilla. Ja suojautua voimakkaaseen vaihteluun elintarvikkeiden hintoihin. Mutta asiat ovat siellä.

Velan kokonaismäärä maatalouden - yli kaksi triljoona ruplaa. Vaikka se on yksinkertainen, ilman suoria sijoituksia, tarjonta traktoreiden ja muiden kalliita laitteita Venäjän talonpojat, mukaan johtaja "tilan heille. Lenin " Paul Grudinina eivät selviydy tehtävänä tuontia korvaavien elintarvikealalla. Sillä, 25 prosentin verokantaa voidaan ratkaista vain hullu viettää kylvöä velkarahalla lainojen.

Maa- myönsi, että vuonna 2015 talonpojat massiivisesti kieltäytyä luottoa, mutta lopussa helmikuun kausityöhön on antanut 33 prosenttia vähemmän rahaa kuin aikaisemmin. Ostaa lannoitteita, siemeniä, kasvinsuojeluaineiden ja muiden komponenttien kylvön kampanja mitä tahansa. Mutta mitään ohjelmaa suhdetta viljelijöiden hallitus ei. Valtio tukee ei talonpoikia, mutta vain pankkeja. Tilassa ohjelman kehittämiseen kylä vuoteen 2020 sanoo, että meidän täytyy vielä varmistaa, että palkat maatalousalalla osuus jopa puolet palkasta teollisuudessa. Kuka nuorten mennä kylään työskentelemään kovasti rahaa? Kysymys on retorinen.

Klo sisäänkäynnin suurkaupunkien olivat junat ruoan kanssa, mutta ne eivät saa purkaa. protestit kärjistyä

eloquent luvut

* Vuonna 1990, kustannuksella valtion Reserve kattaa 50 prosenttia ruoan väestön tarpeisiin tuetun puolilla maata. Viettänyt vuoden varastossa on verrattavissa neljä vuotta Suuren isänmaallisen sodan. Tämä estää sosiaalinen räjähdys. Tällä hetkellä valtion Reserve kantoja voi tarjota jokaisen maassaa kaikki tarvittavat kolme kuukautta.

* Vuonna 1992 Venäjällä virallisesti tuli yksi puoli-ruokittu maissa. Keskimääräinen kansalainen maamme, "söi" vain 2040 kaloria päivässä. EBM rate - 2600 kcal. Mukaan luokittelu Maailman Catering 2150 kcal tarkoittaa pysyviä aliravitsemuksesta. Neuvostoliitossa, taso kulutus henkeä kohti on 2590 kcal, USA - 3350.

Gaidarin nälässä maa

* Jegor Gaidar oli hyvin ylpeä siitä, että vuodesta 1992 on ollut hyllyiltä kaikki. Samaan aikaan, vuoteen 1999 mennessä, kulutus lihan ja lihatuotteiden on vähentynyt verrattuna "nälkäinen" 1990 44 prosenttia, maito ja maitotuotteet - 47 kalaa - 51 prosenttia. Tulos - kipeä sukupolvi lapsia, joiden lapsuudesta samaan aikaan vuotta uudistuksen.