#Article 370 Scrapped
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Hello, I saw how you deal with sanghis especially regarding kashmir and I want to say that it's very admirable. I also saw your masterpost on information regarding kashmir and I found it very informative. It really saddens me how horribly kashmiris are treated by the Indian govt. and army and I truly hope kashmiris can one day get justice and liberation. I wanted to know more about what happened to kashmiri pandits(I couldn't access the Washington post article) and how sanghis use a tragic incident for propaganda because I am still a bit unaware regarding the issue. If you don't mind, could you provide more information.
the washington post article basically argues that the bjp uses the kashmiri pandit exodus to justify its violence against kashmiri muslims. india has illegally grabbed so much land from kashmiris. an indian consul general quite literally suggested building settlements in kashmir the way israel has in palestine (x). they've basically used this to justify the abrigation of article 370, strip kashmir of its autonomy and strengthen the military presence there. do keep in mind that india's claim of kashmir is not internationally recognised. un resolution 91 has called for the kashmir conflict to be resolved peacefully and democratically (which was blatantly disregarded when a370 was scrapped). kashmir is still recognised as a disputed region. it's all communalism
but really, it's no use pretending that you care when you've failed this community at every turn of the way. it's just hindutva pitting pandit and muslims against each other (you can also read this). for all their talk about how kashmir is such an integral part of india, they sure do love murdering kashmiris
#this is such a bad answer. i am so sorry but i do hope it helps#i have no idea why you're not able to access the washington post article cause it's not behind a paywall and i can still read it but oh well#also thank you for the nice words but it's really not that admirable the only reason i have this much audacity is because i'm a bitch#i just love complaining#asks#sasusakucore
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As the northern Indian region of Jammu and Kashmir heads to the polls for its first regional-level elections in nearly a decade, voters and candidates alike are still feeling the political hangover from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke the region’s special autonomous status.
In August 2019, the Indian government scrapped Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, reducing the former state of Jammu and Kashmir to two union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh—and bringing them under the direct control of New Delhi. The decision, a watershed in the region’s troubled history, sparked outrage. It also marked a shift in how India intended to govern Kashmir, which remains disputed territory with Pakistan.
Even as Jammu and Kashmir gears up to announce the winner of its legislative elections on Oct. 8, the local government will wield limited powers, constrained by a series of laws passed since 2019 that have reinforced the central government’s control over the region. Though the newly formed Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly will have power to make some laws, the region will be headed still by a New Delhi-appointed governor, who wields substantial authority over public order, police, bureaucracy, anti-corruption measures, and financial matters.
The region, particularly the Kashmir Valley, has witnessed decades of violence since the 1988 insurgency that drew India and Pakistan into three wars. Since it came to power in 2014, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has asserted that its policies have brought development and democracy to Kashmir. However, people in the region have generally expressed anger over Modi’s revocation of Article 370, which consolidated power in the hands of nonlocals.
Meanwhile, other regional parties in Kashmir—including separatist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir (JeI), Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front—have been banned or marginalized and many of their leaders imprisoned. The remaining dissidents in Kashmir have either changed their stance or stayed quiet out of fear of repression. Kashmiris are thus using this election season as an outlet for expressing frustration and anger by supporting local political parties or non-BJP candidates.
To New Delhi, the elections represent a chance to signal that Kashmir has moved on from its long-standing demands for azadi, or freedom, and has instead flourished in the post-2019 environment. However, many separatist groups or individuals who previously boycotted elections, including some backed by the banned JeI, are now participating. Meanwhile, mainstream Kashmiri politicians are positioning themselves as the last line of defense against what they perceive as the BJP’s attempts to reshape the region’s political dynamics, urging voters to reject Modi’s narrative and promising to restore Kashmir’s autonomy.
Kashmir kick-started its phased elections on Sept. 18, with the second round of voting taking place on Sept. 25. The third and final round of voting will take place on Oct. 1, before results are announced a week later.
There are a total of 90 seats up for grabs, but with more than 300 independent candidates out of 873 in the race, it has become one of the most unpredictable elections in Kashmir’s history. The BJP has set a goal of winning at least 30-35 of 43 seats in Jammu, while it is contesting 19 of the 47 seats in the Kashmir Valley, a Muslim-majority region where it has traditionally struggled to gain traction.
Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has emerged as another key figure. Rashid represents the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) and is a two-time lawmaker from northern Kashmir who contested and won a seat in India’s parliament in June, defeating prominent figures such as former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of the National Conference party and Sajad Lone, the leader of the People’s Conference party.
Rashid’s victory by a margin of more than 200,000 votes marked a shift in the region’s politics—signaling anger toward the politicians who had failed to safeguard Kashmir’s autonomy or bring about meaningful changes in their decades of rule. In the last year, Rashid’s AIP has gained traction and positioned itself as a formidable player in the regional elections. While campaigning on behalf of AIP candidates, Rashid has vehemently targeted Abdullah’s and Lone’s parties, accusing them of ganging up against him.
Rashid, who was arrested in 2019 on terrorism funding charges under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, was recently released on interim bail. At a campaign rally in Baramulla, a town in northern Kashmir, on Sept. 13, he spoke to an energized crowd.
“[Modi’s] naya [new] Kashmir was [meant] to kill, arrest, harass, and humiliate people,” he told the gathering. “Kashmiris don’t like to throw stones, but that doesn’t mean we will surrender before your power,” he added, while his supporters cheered him on.
Rashid has promised the reinstatement of Kashmir’s autonomy, the release of all political prisoners, and the repeal of controversial laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act. The campaign offers a platform that appeals to people, especially the youth, who feel that their voices have been stifled since 2019. But many of Rashid’s opponents—including Abdullah and Lone, as well as Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir—have accused him of being an agent of the BJP.
The BJP has also been accused of supporting other political parties and independent candidates, further complicating the region’s political landscape. Another such example is JeI—which remains banned under the country’s anti-terrorism law. Though most of its leaders remain imprisoned and its assets seized, it is trying to make a comeback in this year’s elections and has demanded the suspension of its ban.
Abdullah, who was Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister from 2009 to 2015, has voiced concerns over the proliferation of independent candidates and accused the BJP of using them to dilute the opposition’s vote. “Independent candidates are being deliberately fielded to create confusion and divide votes in critical constituencies,” he said at a recent rally. “The BJP is leaving its options open. … Voters need to be cautious. Fragmented votes will only serve to help those who do not have Jammu and Kashmir’s best interests at heart.”
To bolster its chances and stave off a BJP victory in Kashmir, the National Conference has formed an alliance with Rahul Gandhi, India’s opposition leader from the Indian National Congress party. Yet the Gandhi-Abdullah alliance’s promises to restore the region’s autonomy are viewed skeptically, even by their own supporters. New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that Article 370 will never be reinstated.
Mufti, the leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2016 to 2018, has also thrown her hat in the ring. After the 2014 elections, the PDP formed an alliance with the BJP—which has cost it support—but since 2019, the PDP has been the strongest opponent of the BJP and its policies in Kashmir. On Sept. 25, Mufti told a gathering: “Jammu and Kashmir will never have a BJP government. There will be a secular government. … PDP will be an important factor.”
Mufti’s party has also pledged to bring back statehood, revoke detention laws, and release prisoners, among other promises. Meanwhile, the BJP has continued to target both Abdullah and Mufti as “dynasts” who have kept Kashmir mired in conflict.
Though the debate over Kashmir’s autonomy has taken center stage among candidates, voters across polling stations in Kashmir are also concerned about their daily cost of living and issues such as high unemployment, increased electricity costs, limited infrastructure, and continuous detentions and police verifications.
The current political climate in Kashmir harks back to the 1970s, when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, pledged to safeguard the region’s autonomy while New Delhi’s Janata Party—a precursor to today’s BJP—led by Morarji Desai, tried to block his return to power.
Similar to the 1977 regional elections, today’s promises of autonomy now ring hollow to many residents, as successive governments have failed to preserve Kashmir’s special status. Kashmiris feel that elections have historically served as a tool to dilute their aspirations rather than fulfilling them. Manzoor Ahmad, a 49-year-old from Srinagar, voted for the first time this year. “I voted for a greater good,” he said. “We are facing lots of problems as we have been crushed. We want a local party to win to stop this.”
No matter who wins the elections, however, the new government is likely to be weak with limited powers, overshadowed by the New Delhi-appointed governor. The elections have thus become a ballot on the region’s lack of autonomy—and by extension, a test of how voters view Modi’s government.
“These election rallies have the same nomenclature as that of protest rallies in the past,” said Waheed Parra, a PDP candidate from southern Kashmir. “I see people, mostly youth, in campaigns, and it is visible they are angry. They want space to be expressed and be heard. Nobody has listened to them in the past five years.” Parra warned that if the mandate of these elections is not respected by New Delhi, the situation on the ground could turn dangerous.
The undercurrents may already exist. It appears not everyone in Kashmir is excited about the elections. Compared with the 2014 regional elections, some parts of the valley have either witnessed low voter turnout or only a slight increment. In Srinagar, for example, which is the summer capital, turnout in the second phase of voting was low, at just under 30 percent.
New Delhi has invited a delegation of 15 diplomats from foreign countries, including the United States, to observe the local elections, though many of the BJP’s opponents, including Abdullah, have questioned the visit.
Kashmir’s political future may still be fragile, but its path is being steadily reshaped by forces both old and new. As the elections progress, one thing is evident: New Delhi’s attempts to suppress dissent and tighten its grip on Kashmir over the last five years have inadvertently reignited the region’s political landscape, bringing back to the stage individuals and groups who once led mass protests and called for election boycotts. Simultaneously, the fear of continued repression has prompted many to vote, in a bid to see some change—even as the region’s underlying tensions remain unresolved.
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Even If Indira Gandhi Returns...: Amit Shah Jabs Congress In Maharashtra On Article 370
Maharashtra Assembly Polls: Stepping up his poll campaigning in the run-up to the Maharashtra Assembly elections, Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Wednesday emphatically said that Article 370 will not be restored even if Congress stalwart and late PM Indira Gandhi comes down from heaven. Before being scrapped by the Central government in 2019, Article 370 granted special status to Jammu and…
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“Even Rahul Gandhi’s Seven Generations Can’t Restore Article 370” : Shivraj Chouhan Targets Congress and Farooq Abdullah
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, in a fiery speech, launched a sharp attack on Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah over the issue of Article 370. Chouhan stated that even if "seven generations of Rahul Gandhi" attempted to do so, they would never succeed in restoring Article 370, which granted special status to Jammu and Kashmir. The remark came as part of an ongoing political discourse surrounding the abrogation of Article 370 and its long-term implications for the region.
During a public rally, Chouhan accused the Congress and its leaders of consistently siding with forces that weaken India's national integrity. He directly criticised Rahul Gandhi for his previous comments on Jammu and Kashmir and implied that the Congress has often failed to prioritise national interests in critical situations. Chouhan’s statement was aimed at portraying Gandhi as disconnected from the sentiments of the people who supported the scrapping of Article 370 in August 2019.
Chouhan also took the opportunity to lash out at Farooq Abdullah, who has been a vocal critic of the abrogation. Abdullah, along with other regional leaders, has expressed his desire for the reinstatement of Article 370, arguing that it is crucial for maintaining the autonomy and identity of Jammu and Kashmir. However, Chouhan dismissed such aspirations, stating that leaders like Abdullah are misleading the people of the region. "Farooq Abdullah should stop dreaming about restoring Article 370. That chapter is closed for good," Chouhan remarked, signalling the BJP's firm stand on the issue.
The abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019 by the Narendra Modi-led government sparked significant debate across the political spectrum. The BJP hailed it as a historic decision that would ensure Jammu and Kashmir’s full integration with India and promote peace and development in the region. On the other hand, opposition parties, including Congress, and regional leaders from Jammu and Kashmir have continuously opposed the move, calling it unconstitutional and detrimental to the state's autonomy.
Farooq Abdullah, along with his son Omar Abdullah, has vowed to continue the fight for the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status. Meanwhile, Chouhan’s remarks reflect the BJP’s broader strategy of portraying opposition leaders as being out of touch with nationalistic concerns. By invoking Article 370 and targeting leaders like Rahul Gandhi and Farooq Abdullah, Chouhan aims to rally support for the BJP on the basis of national unity and security as key electoral issues.
As the political landscape heats up, the debate over Article 370 is likely to remain a central point of contention between the ruling BJP and opposition parties. For more politics news in Hindi, subscribe to our newsletter
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Three-phase J&K elections from Sept 18, Haryana polls on Oct 1; counting on Oct 4
NEW DELHI, Aug 16: Assembly elections will be held in Jammu and Kashmir after a decade in three phases from September 18, setting the stage for the people of the union territory to elect a government after the scrapping of Article 370 in 2019. The Election Commission also announced that elections to the 90-member Haryana assembly will be held on October 1 and results for both the polls will be declared on October 4. The two assembly elections will be the first popularity test for the BJP and the INDIA bloc following the Lok Sabha polls. The three-phase elections to the 90-member Jammu and Kashmir assembly will be held on September 18, September 25 and October 1, Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar told a press conference.The EC said assembly elections in Maharashtra, which were held along with Haryana in 2019, will be announced later due to security requirements for J&K.He said four elections are due this year and by early next year and since Jammu and Kashmir was not in the picture last time (2019-20) the Commission decided to group two assembly elections together. Besides J&K and Haryana, elections are due in Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Delhi which will be announced after the completion of the the two.
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Srinagar set for polls today, first after 370 scrapping | Srinagar News
SRINAGAR: Srinagar-Ganderbal LS seat will vote Monday in the first J&K polls since the Aug 2019 abrogation of Article 370.Srinagar will be the first of Valley’s three constituencies to go to the ballot. Two dozen candidates are in the fray. But the contest is largely three-cornered among National Conference’s (NC) Aga Ruhulla, PDP’s Waheed Para and Apni Party’s Ashraf Mir.BJP has not fielded any…
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Legacy Continues: Brij Bhushan's Son Steps Up in East UP Politics
In the heart of east Uttar Pradesh, a political drama unfolds as the seasoned leader Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh steps aside, allowing his son Karan Bhushan Singh to take center stage. The BJP, in a strategic move, replaces Brij Bhushan with his youngest son Karan as its candidate for the Lok Sabha polls from the Kaiserganj seat, neighboring Ayodhya. Despite facing allegations of sexual harassment, Brij Bhushan’s influence looms large in the region.
Karan, a debutant in the political arena, is fighting his first election in his father’s name. The decision to field him came as a surprise, with the announcement made just one day before the nomination deadline. With the elections looming on May 20, the political landscape in Kaiserganj is heating up.
Brij Bhushan, a six-time MP and former chief of the Wrestling Federation of India, has been actively involved in the region’s development, establishing numerous educational institutions and wielding considerable influence. However, his low profile in this election is notable, with him choosing to manage his son’s campaign from behind the scenes.
Karan, inheriting his father’s interest in wrestling and shooting, invokes his father’s legacy in his campaign speeches. Despite being a new face in politics, he promises to carry forward his father’s legacy and work tirelessly for the people of Kaiserganj.
The constituency, dominated by the Brahmin community, poses a unique challenge for Karan. However, with the support of his family and party leaders, he remains optimistic about his chances. His elder brother Prateek Bhushan, the sitting BJP MLA from Gonda, actively campaigns on his behalf.
As the election approaches, the focus remains on key issues such as the consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya and the scrapping of Article 370. While allegations against Brij Bhushan linger, they seem to have little impact on the election dynamics, with voters more concerned about broader political issues.
In the midst of it all, Karan Bhushan Singh emerges as a new face in east Uttar Pradesh politics, navigating the complex terrain with the guidance of his father and the support of his constituents. As the election unfolds, all eyes are on Kaiserganj to see how the political legacy of the Bhushan family shapes the future of the region.
#Uttar Pradesh Politics#Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh#Karan Bhushan Singh#Lok Sabha Elections#Political Dynasties
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No power in universe can bring back Article 370: Narendra Modi
NEW DELHI — Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, making a strong defence of the scrapping of Article 370, said no power in the universe could restore the revoked provisions of the Constitution. He said, “The scrapping of Article 370, which provided special status to Jammu and Kashmir was necessary for the development of the people and ease of their life.” “Following the abrogation of Article…
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[ad_1] Srinagar: The Centre today told the Supreme Court that elections could be conducted in Jammu and Kashmir anytime now, but the decision lies with the Election Commission and the state poll panel.The statements came during the hearing of a bunch of petitions challenging the scrapping of Article 370. The Centre had earlier argued that Jammu and Kashmir was one of a kind and the bifurcation was needed.In its last hearing on Tuesday, the Supreme Court had laid emphasis on the need to restore democracy in J&K, which has been without an elected government since June 2018.During today's hearing, the Centre though refused to provide a timeframe on restoration of Jammu and Kashmir's statehood.So far, at the heart of the arguments, is if due process was followed while abrogating Article 370 and dividing state into two union territories- J&K and Ladakh.Leaders and petitioners from Ladakh have expressed their disappointment over The Solicitor General's statement that Ladakh will remain a Union Territory. Over the last two years, there have been massive protests in Ladakh demanding statehood for the region.After scrapping Article 370 in August 2019, the Centre had said that it will restore statehood at an appropriate time. Home Minister Amit Shah has reiterated the same but no deadline has been set for such a move. [ad_2]
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Rajnath Singh Blames Congress for Hindering Counter-extremism Efforts, Praises PM Modi's Swift Decision-making on Surgical Strikes
In an impassioned speech during a BJP rally in Chhattisgarh's Kanker district, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh criticized the Congress government in the state for its alleged lack of cooperation with the central government in addressing left-wing extremism. Singh emphasized that left-wing extremism remains confined to only 10 to 12 districts in India, some of which are located in Chhattisgarh. He asserted that if the state government had collaborated effectively, the influence of left-wing extremism could have been eradicated from the entire nation. Singh also credited Prime Minister Narendra Modi for his decisive leadership during the surgical strikes carried out by India. Reflecting on his tenure as Home Minister during the Uri and Pulwama attacks, Singh revealed that within 10 minutes of consulting with Modi, a decision was made to take action. He proudly stated that India is no longer weak but a strong force to be reckoned with. Asserting India's defense capabilities, Singh warned neighboring Pakistan to cease any aggression, emphasizing that India has the ability to respond not only on its own side of the border but also across the border if necessary. During his speech, Singh highlighted several issues faced by the state government. He criticized the Chhattisgarh government for failing to provide its share of support in the construction of houses for the underprivileged, hindering the progress of this important initiative aimed at uplifting the poor. Singh also raised concerns about alleged forced conversions in Bastar, urging the state government to take action. He drew attention to the BJP's support for tribal communities in Bastar who have been affected by communal violence and the displacement of over 150 Christian tribals due to conversions carried out by Christian missionaries. Singh emphasized that tribals in the region identify themselves distinctly from any religious affiliation, highlighting the need to protect their cultural identity. The Defence Minister emphasized the BJP's commitment to Chhattisgarh, despite not being in power in the state. He highlighted former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's efforts in establishing Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand for the welfare of tribals. Singh also praised Prime Minister Modi's dedication to tribal communities, citing the allocation of Rs 90,000 crore specifically for their upliftment, a feat unprecedented in the country's history. He highlighted India's achievements under the Modi government, including the scrapping of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir and the ongoing construction of the magnificent Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, which is set to be a global symbol of religious harmony and architectural grandeur. Taking a dig at the Congress party, Singh dismissed the recent appointment of TS Singhdeo as deputy chief minister merely months before the elections, stating that such attempts at appeasement would not change the public's determination to remove the Congress government from power. Singh's impassioned speech touched upon various national and state issues, focusing on the BJP's vision for development, security, and the welfare of the people of Chhattisgarh. Read More:- Rajnath Singh Blames Congress for Hindering Counter-extremism Efforts, Praises PM Modi’s Swift Decision-making on Surgical Read the full article
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Article 370 was meant to be 'temporary' provision in Constitution: Amit Shah - Jammu Kashmir Latest News | Tourism
NEW Delhi -: The now-scrapped Article 370, which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, was meant to be a “temporary” provision since the beginning and the framers of the Constitution had put it there “intelligently”, Union Home Minister Amit Shah said on Monday. Inaugurating a training programme on legislative drafting, Shah also said that if a legislation is drafted well, there is “no need…
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Hey! If you have any links on what we can do to help Kashmir, would appreciate that a lot. But only if you are able :)
I found the Ummah Welfare Trust but I really don't know if they're active or still taking donations all the links I found are from when article 370 was scrapped in 2019 and I have no idea whether they're still working. I'll keep looking tho!
Meanwhile, all I can say is to educate. Spread the word on Kashmir and learn to spot propaganda
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Article 370 was meant to be 'temporary' provision in Constitution: Amit Shah
New Delhi: The now-scrapped Article 370, which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, was meant to be a “temporary” provision since the beginning and the framers of the Constitution had put it there “intelligently”, Union Home Minister Amit Shah said on Monday. Inaugurating a training programme on legislative drafting, Shah also said that if a legislation is drafted well, there is “no need for…
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We hope now when the Article 370 has been scrapped. There will be peace and state can run in more healthy manne from earlier it was.
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Visit Website - 👉 https://naturelandorganics.com/
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Farooq Abdullah responds to PM’s ‘New Kashmir’ statement
Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Farooq Abdullah criticized the remark made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi yesterday on Article 370 of the constitution. He said that the move would do nothing but promote dynastic rule in the erstwhile state. "If Article 370 was this bad, how did Jammu and Kashmir ever make progress," he questioned.
PM Modi visited Srinagar first time after scrapping of Article 370, where he called it a "new Jammu and Kashmir" and credited the scrapping for it.
“For decades, for political gains, Congress and its allies misled people in the name of Article 370. But today there are equal rights and opportunities for all. The people know the truth... they were misled... This is the new Jammu and Kashmir for which we all were waiting,' he had said.
Farooq Abdullah hit back shortly after saying, "If Article 370 was this bad -- I would like the Prime Minister to re-hear the speech made in the Rajya Sabha by then Leader of Opposition Ghulam Nabi Azad, in which he compared two states. He compared Gujarat and Jammu and Kashmir in terms of progress when Article 370 was there," Farooq Abdullah said.
"Now, if Article 370 and nepotism are responsible, then how did we make that progress? It is the people's rule, I lost the election as a chief minister. So, where is the dynastic rule?" Mr Abdullah said. "This dynastic rule is a kind of common voice I heard also in parliament. In every speech that PM makes, he makes a particular target on it".
Abdullah also pointed out that scrapping Article 370 also made education costlier in the state.
Education from the level of primary schools to universities was free, he said. "Today, education is only free up to the 14th class. In the universities, you have to pay now. An honest commission has to be put to see what was there before the revoke of Article 370 and what was is thereafter," Mr Abdullah said.
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Dubai-Georgia and then Punjab... How did Amritpal become the face of anti-Indian forces? - How Dubai returned Amritpal Singh became the face of the anti-Indian forces ntc
On 5 August 2019, the Government of India decided to repeal Article 370 of Jammu and Kashmir. Amritpal, whom Punjab police are searching the streets for today, had openly opposed the decision to remove Article-370 from JK. Then Amritpal had said that this decision was imposed by force, Modi occupied Kashmir by scrapping Article-370. When the process of CAA-NRC legislation began in India, Amritpal…
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