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‘We won’t stop’: How Columbia’s students etched a new Gaza protest legacy
Inside a movement that took over a university building and lost its encampment within 24 hours – yet refuses to die.
New York, United States — At about 10pm on Monday, April 29, I thought I would call it a night.
My student journalist colleagues and I had stayed late into the night on Columbia University’s campus the previous couple of days, reporting on a story that had grabbed the world’s attention: the pro-Palestine protests and encampment that had inspired similar campaigns in schools across the United States and globally.
As I slung my camera bag on my back and began to leave campus, walking by the camp, I got a tip from a passing protester: “I would stick around till about midnight,” they said. “Maybe go home first, though.”
Got it. I went home to charge backup camera batteries and grab spare memory cards before leaving for campus again.
Back at Columbia, it appeared that more than one of us had gotten the tip. Crowds of student journalists, all of us with matching paper badges and blue tape on our clothes, waited next to the encampment for whatever was to come. Our journalism faculty stood by our side, as they had been doing throughout.
Protesters grouped into “platoons”, and while we didn’t know what to expect, we kept eyes on different corners.
We split up to make sure different spots were covered; a few of us stuck by Pulitzer Hall, the home of Columbia Journalism School, where a small number of protesters had convened, while some others stood ready with cameras and recorders by the encampment.
That is when it all began. Campers began walking their tents off the lawn. One group began chanting. Another at the opposite end of the lawn sang protest hymns. I was with a small cohort of journalists who followed the tents to another small lawn, a clever decoy – whether intended or not – that meant many of us missed the moment, at the opposite end of campus, when protesters entered Hamilton Hall.
By the time we had run over, tens of student protesters had gathered to link arms outside the building, which their predecessors had taken over in 1968 to protest against the Vietnam War, and in 1985 to demand that Columbia divest from firms tied to apartheid South Africa.
Two of my colleagues were in the middle of the scrum, up against the doors watching two counter-protesters attempt to stop the occupation before being pushed out. Protesters rushed metal picnic tables, wooden chairs, trash cans, and planters to the doors where they were zip-tied together, effectively forming a barricade.
Two masked individuals appeared from a second-floor balcony to cheers and applause. They unfurled a hand-painted sign, “Hind’s Hall”, a reference to the six-year-old Palestinian girl who was killed with her family in their car in January as they tried to escape Israel’s military assault in Gaza.
That night, I fell asleep on the floor of a sixth-storey classroom in Pulitzer Hall to the echoes of song, one lone voice amplified through a megaphone, coming from Hamilton Hall: “This joy that I have, the world didn’t give it to me … the world can’t take it away.”
Student protesters playing music at the Columbia University encampment in New York City [Yasmeen Altaji/Al Jazeera]
The final offer
The morning before had felt very different. Columbia University’s South Lawn was packed, and the little protest village in the heart of the campus – dozens of tents and tarps comprising the “Gaza solidarity encampment” – was bustling with life, two weeks since its erection.
The protest is rooted in a decades-long movement for Palestinian rights in their homeland, and to hold Israel accountable for its illegal occupation of Palestinian territories. The current campaign against Israel’s war on Gaza – in which more than 34,000 people have been killed – also aims to pressure Columbia to divest from Israel-linked companies, just as the university did in the case of apartheid South Africa after similar protests four decades ago.
In my time covering the protest, the sounds at the encampment varied. Some days, you could hear the (Islamic) adhan, or the chants of (Jewish) Passover prayer. Or the sounds of the dumbek (drum) and sharp violins echoing microtonal hymns of Palestinian folk music and classical Andalusian muwashshah. Speakers amplified the melodies of iconic musicians like Abdel Halim Hafez and Fairuz.
Protesters shared donated hot meals – pizzas and samosas, bagels and eggs, sacks of mandarins and tubs of crackers, muffins and cookies spread on a tarp aptly called the “cornucopia”.
One camper had set up a makeshift nail parlour, painting red, white, black and green manicures matching the Palestinian flag. Cardboard “street signs” named the tight spaces between rows of tents “Walid Daqqa Road”, after the Palestinian novelist and activist who died of cancer in April, while in Israeli custody.
In the lawn’s centre, organisers routinely updated a whiteboard to reflect the day’s programmed activities: Dhuhr prayer and Shabbat dinner, with jazz in the mix, too.
In a corner of the lawn near the main campus walk, an “art guild” was buzzing with protesters painting signs, drawing patterns of the keffiyeh, decorating and personalising tent spaces.
But that Monday, campers received a final offer from the university administration under President Nemat “Minouche” Shafik: evacuate now, and evade suspension. Campers defied the order.
And by Monday night, the morning’s bustle had died down to a hum, then a whisper, before the eruption that culminated in the takeover of Hamilton Hall. At the encampment site, the zipper flap doors of empty tents billowed in the breeze. Blankets lay crumpled beside pillows still dented from a nap; a sole LED lantern left lit on the ground, a paintbrush crusted with dried red and green acrylic lay stuck on a paper plate.
It’s a community that student journalists like myself at the Columbia Journalism School had closely observed for days at a stretch, unlike the “outside media” who were only allowed on to campus in daily two-hour windows since the encampment went up. Joining us were undergraduate peers at student publications including WKCR and the Columbia Daily Spectator.
A community that, through the intensifying attention on its members, had been trying to emphasise that they weren’t the story. Signs planted across the lawn read: “All eyes on Gaza.”
But in the 24 hours that would follow, the world’s gaze on Columbia would only sharpen.
Students were trapped inside the entrance vestibule at John Jay Hall in Columbia University in New York on Tuesday, April 30, 2023 [Yasmeen Altaji/Al Jazeera]
The raid
Tuesday morning started eerily quiet. The camp was empty, save for a few protesters, and Hamilton Hall was sleepy, the only movement coming from a banner reading “INTIFADA” hanging off the side of the building.
Just a few days prior, far before the occupation of Hamilton Hall, the Columbia administration had sent a notice arguing that “to bring back the NYPD at this time would be counterproductive, further inflaming what is happening on campus, and drawing thousands to our doorstep who would threaten our community”.
The note was met with mistrust by protesters: After all, the university had already called the police to campus for the first time in more than 50 years in April to try to clear the encampment. More than 100 students had been arrested.
Instead, I heard organisers advise campers to pack their belongings in trash bags and write phone numbers on their arms in case of arrest.
By Tuesday night, their apprehension would turn into reality. The NYPD entered Columbia’s campus shortly after 9pm on Tuesday (01:00 GMT on Wednesday).
Students linked arms and sang together in anticipation before the harmonies of “We shall not be moved” merged with the march of hundreds of police officers making their way, in formation, to Hamilton Hall.
Calls through long-range acoustic devices (LRAD) to disperse or face arrest, echoed across the campus square, all the time weaving in and out of the floating tunes of the protest hymns, earworms that anyone who’d been on campus had likely come to memorise.
Protesters outside of Hamilton braced for arrest. But officers turned away from them upon arrival, and instead turned towards us – onlookers and press.
Officers instructed us to vacate the area. We walked backwards to get everything on video. “It’s easier if you face forward,” one officer said. “Turn around so you don’t fall,” another yelled repeatedly in a collective command. “Time to go inside,” another said. “Back to your dorms.”
While our backs were against the door of a building at the end of the courtyard where Hamilton was, the doors opened, and officers raised their batons, giving one final push until we were all inside. There was a moment of disorientation before we realised where we were: inside an undergraduate dormitory called John Jay Hall.
It’s where the student health centre, a dining hall, and a late-night campus eatery are. But we couldn’t see any of that. While police guarded the doors into the entry vestibule of the building in front of us, campus security guarded the rest of the building behind us, restricting access to dorm residents.
With about 30 or 40 of us squeezed into the small entry vestibule, ventilation was poor. We wouldn’t reach the bathroom. Red arrows pointed towards the emergency exit but the doors were blocked by officers. Phone batteries were dying. And most pressing, for the journalists among us: we couldn’t see Hamilton beyond the bodies of officers standing at John Jay’s glass doors.
For about three hours, students kicked at the front doors, slouched on the ground against the wall, and slept with their backpacks as pillows. One student sat cross-legged on the floor, sobbing softly while her friend comforted her.
Three hours passed in that hall before we were let out, officers directing us to dorms and buildings they did not know the names or locations of. “We know you want to get out of here. We’re doing you a favour,” one said.
As I left campus at about 1:30am, I walked past a crew hauling the tents off the South Lawn and into a garbage truck that crushed them on the spot.
[See embedded video in the article]
The remains
On Wednesday, the tension wasn’t palpable, only disappointment. The campus was quiet, but not calm. It was completely empty. No one, aside from residents and essential staff – which the journalism faculty ensured we were viewed as, as student journalists – were allowed past campus gates.
Where the encampment once stood, there were only marks of discoloured grass in the shape of rectangular tent bases.
But the movement seems anything but a ghost; on Wednesday, protesters hosted a “light show” beside the campus, projecting titles onto the public-facing side of Hamilton Hall that read “Hind’s Hall forever.”
Every year, on the eve of exams, students gather to let out what is known as a “primal scream” on campus. On Thursday, they took that tradition to Shafik’s house, shouting outside her door.
On Friday, protesters again lined the street outside of Columbia’s gate. And the words still rang through the neighbourhood: “Disclose, divest, we will not stop, we will not rest.”
#palestine#free palestine#save palestine#gaza#free gaza#save gaza#israel#israel palestine conflict#israeli apartheid#bds boycott#boycott israel#bds movement#war on gaza#gaza genocide#gaza strip#world news#current events#palestinian genocide#stop the genocide#genocide#columbia university#student activism#activism#demonstration
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China’s exports rose year-on-year by 10.3% in RMB, driven by 20% to 40% jumps in exports to India, Brazil, Indonesia, Vietnam, South Africa and other countries of the Global South. This more than compensated for sharp declines in shipments to developed markets including the US (-7%), the European Union (-6.8%), and Japan (-2.5%).
The biggest gains were registered in BRICS members India (+16%), Brazil (+37.1%), and South Africa (14.8%), as well as Vietnam (+28.4%) and Indonesia (+22.2%).
China’s exports to the Global South surpassed exports to all developed markets during late 2022 and 2023[...]
The Chinese shipped semi-finished goods and components to third countries for final assembly and re-export to the United States. As the BIS wrote:
>Firms from other jurisdictions have interposed themselves in the supply chains from China to the United States. The identity of the firms that have interposed themselves in this way can be gleaned from the fact that firms from the Asia-Pacific region account for a greater portion of suppliers to US customers than in December 2021, as well as accounting for a greater portion of the customers of Chinese suppliers.
The World Bank economists put it this way:
>US imports from China are being replaced with imports from large developing countries with revealed comparative advantage in a product. Countries replacing China tend to be deeply integrated into China’s supply chains and are experiencing faster import growth from China, especially in strategic industries. Put differently, to displace China on the export side, countries must embrace China’s supply chains.
12 Mar 24
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re: Andrew and his half in/ out.
Most of the royals had a half in/ out deal to a certain degree. Not just Andrew.
Think when the Michael Kents had to shutdown their Russia business connections which Michael had because of his uncanny resemblance and blood links to Tsar Nicholas RIP, bonus was the fact he is related to the royal family, nevermind the many Romanovs still floating around.
Sophie and Edward started married life with a solid half in/out with Sophie continuing her work at the PR firm she founded RJH Public Relations while Edward had a job with Andrew Lloyd Webber’s company then his own production company. They also carried out royal duties.
Fergie kept all her ventures abroad, but there was no doubt that she traded heavily on her royal connections despite the divorce.
Duke of Kent often got paid for after dinner speeches.
David Snowdon definitely capitalised on his royal connections when he set up his business and for years it was promoted as royal adjacent.
Ditto Peter with his milk ads in China or was it Korea.
Zara was receiving money from chinese business people to make royal introductions and for awhile was paid a tidy 6 figure sum per Hello photoshoot - i hapoen to know how much she was paid for Hello photoshoot with baby Mia because i was working for a Pr firm at the time and we dealt alot with Hello magazine. The price Hello paid Zara then and now always has a royal inflation despite her bonafide credentials as a sportwoman.
The difference is that the Harkles were not discreet nor did they want to be discreet about their half in/ out. They wanted taxpayers to underwrite their lives while monetising all aspects of it and picking and choosing royal duties and being centred as the stars they thought they were. We got a small taste of what they wanted with their SA tour which on the surface looked modest, but infact was a smorgosbord of merching the crass ad they did for H& M ‘Arch meets Arch’ advertising roll out as well as charging people for meet and greets. On top of taxpayers underwriting the tour. Ditto merching that SA murdered girl’s memorial on Instagram. Markle also only carried out those duties that she wanted and refused to fly to other African countries on account of the private jets used to take Harry to those other countries being too small, but she joined in via video links from South Africa.
The ads below ran during the Desmond Tutu event in South Africa. H& M’s website was updated with the picture below and links to buy Archie’s outfit. The palace pulled everything down after about 30mins. If you’ve never seen it, you’ll think it’s a meme or something created by fans, but if you were watching in real time, you’d have seen this ad. The DM posted the ad in article titled 'Arch meets Arch’, but pulled the H&M ad at the same time that palace pulled down ad from all media outlets. The SA tour monetised Archie as well as the Sussexes.
https://www.lipstickalley.com/attachments/fe9d2748-55c7-4377-b751-869c0de9a3d3-jpeg.5541994/
https://www.lipstickalley.com/attachments/f0f00b8f-6786-49e3-be0d-f38eaf084df6-jpeg.5542328/
https://www.lipstickalley.com/attachments/5543ee23-e5e6-432d-9627-bb5539e3c6dc-jpeg.5542327/
https://money.com/baby-archie-h-m-overalls-meghan-markle-style/
The new website alone shows their idea of crass merching and monetising the monarchy which all the others did not do. Not even Andrew.
Andrew was getting favours and deals while trade ambassador/ pitch at the palace, but it wasn’t in your face and if the media didn’t report on it, no one would be the wiser. Sophie was frequently accused of using her royal connections to drum up business for her company, but again no one would know if media didn’t report it at the time.
The Sussexes version of half in/ out was too crass and obvious that monarchy would have been in danger by the end of day 1.
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I agree with all of this. I did think about how everyone but the direct heirs seems to be on half in/half out when I was writing that answer. That was my reasoning by “they misstepped in being so aggressive” because as you’ve outlined here, everyone does it, they just did it more subtly and discreetly.
The Sussexes’ monetization has always been the problem. They would’ve been able to do everything they’ve had these last four years (maybe not Spare, but everything else) had they stayed in. Charles did documentaries of his charity work all the time, so they would’ve been able to make documentaries. William and Kate have spoken on podcasts, so Meghan would have been able to podcast though the content might’ve looked different. Charles has written several books so they would’ve been able to write books. Charles has his Duchy Originals brand and Highgrove House products/shop so Meghan would have been able to have some kind of brand or Sussex House shop. No one would have cared because they all do it, but Harry and Meghan demanded the money goes directly into their pockets instead of to charity and that’s the line in the sand.
Edit after posting: the anon’s Lipstick Alley links require you to have an account to view the info. I’m leaving them in because I didn’t catch this sooner. (And I’m not a member of Lipstick Alley so I can’t vouch for the links.)
And everyone, please remember that Lipstick Alley doesn’t like it when their stuff ends up on other sites.
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There is a point — and an obvious one at that — to the ongoing demonization of trans identity, one that requires a full view of the organized Right’s goals, tactics, and coalition-building to see. From a political economic vantage, we might assess how and why trans people have become such a useful scapegoat — an object of blame and scorn — in what are ultimately efforts to insulate business interests from public accountability and to dismantle democracy’s ability to redistribute wealth to the many from the few. Unlike past essays for the Law and Political Economy Project and Boston Review in which I delineated the various economic incentives that drive capitalists into a mix of pro and anti-trans political projects (my next book tackles this subject further), this essay focuses mainly on those forces which consistently find trans scapegoating useful — even lucrative. The right-wing power bloc here has deep roots in fossil fuels, “dirty” manufacturing, large-scale family firms, and the usual array of financial and real estate interests and draws significant electoral support from small business owners and disaffected conservative Christian voters. Although my perspective is somewhat parochial, many of the coalitional dynamics and authoritarian aims are far from unique to the US. To the contrary, these appear to be an international phenomenon. Similar reactionary movements against gender-nonconforming people from Europe to South America to Africa (where US-based groups have been active for decades) dot the global landscape. The fight in Germany over gender recognition legal reforms has also brought together a similar coalition of far-right politicians, trans exclusionary radical feminists (TERFs), and religious parties and institutions. Accordingly, it is absolutely crucial to begin with asking questions about who benefits from the present assault on trans lives.
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Excerpt from this story from DeSmog Blog:
With its unparalleled purchasing power and exacting demands, fast food has long shaped agricultural systems in the United States, Europe, and China. But as major American fast food brands, like KFC, expand into so-called “frontier markets,” taxpayer-funded development banks have made their global expansion possible by underwriting the factory farms that supply them with chicken, a DeSmog investigation has found.
In all, the investigation identified five factory-scale poultry companies in as many countries that have received financial support from the International Finance Corporation (IFC, the private-sector lending arm of the World Bank Group), the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), or both since 2003, and that supply chicken to KFC. A sixth company has benefited from IFC advisory services but has not received financing.
A review of press accounts, financial disclosures, and the companies’ websites shows this support aided these firms’ KFC-linked operations in up to 13 countries in Asia, Africa, and Europe.
In Kazakhstan, both banks helped a Soviet-era poultry factory become a KFC supplier. In 2011, the IFC lent poultry company Ust-Kamenogorsk Poultry (UKPF) invested $2 million in refurbishing housing for chickens, among other projects. In 2016, the EBRD made a $20 million equity investment in the company’s parent, Aitas, to finance the construction of a new facility to raise and process poultry. In 2018, two years after announcing the financing deal, UKPF revealed it had become a supplier to KFC in Kazakhstan. The EBRD sold its stake in the company in 2019.
In South Africa, the IFC helped one KFC supplier bolster its operations across the region. In 2013, the bank loaned Country Bird Holdings $25 million to expand existing operations in South Africa, Botswana, and Zambia. Country Bird supplies KFC in all three countries, as well as Mozambique and Zimbabwe. Three years later, in 2016, Country Bird also became KFC’s sole franchisee in Zambia.
In Jordan, the EBRD’s technical support and a 2015 loan worth up to $21 million helped poultry company Al Jazeera Agricultural Company upgrade its facilities and expand its retail presence. Al Jazeera claims to produce half the country’s restaurant-sold chicken. It includes the local franchisees of KFC and Texas Chicken (known by its original name, Church’s Chicken, in the U.S.) as clients.
With this Global North-financed fast-food expansion comes a host of environmental, social, and health concerns in regions often unprepared to field them.
“It’s so clear that these investments are not consistent with any coherent notion of sustainable development,” Kari Hamerschlag, deputy director for the food and agriculture program at Friends of the Earth US, told DeSmog.
Providing Financial Security for Fast Food Suppliers
Both the IFC and the EBRD are financed primarily by the governments of developed countries for the benefit of developing countries. The IFC was founded in 1956 under the umbrella of the World Bank Group to stimulate developing economies by lending directly to businesses. Founded in 1991, the EBRD was formed to support Eastern Europe’s transition to a market economy. Since then, it has extended its geographic reach to include other regions.
Development banks often finance companies and projects in regions that more risk-averse commercial banks tend to avoid. The idea is to help grow a company’s operations and lower the risk for private sector investors.
Both of these development banks’ investments cover a range of sectors, including manufacturing, education, agribusiness, energy, and tourism. Because large agro-processors, such as poultry companies, can transform bushel upon bushel of local crops into more valuable products, like meat, they make especially attractive clients.
The world’s largest restaurant company, U.S.-based Yum! Brands, owns KFC, and calls the fried chicken powerhouse, which oversees more than 30,000 locations across the globe, a “major growth engine.”
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LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
January 4, 2024
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
JAN 5, 2024
The Democrats on the House Oversight Committee today released a 156-page report showing that when he was in the presidency, Trump received at least $7.8 million from 20 different governments, including those of China, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, and Malaysia, through businesses he owned.
The Democrats brought receipts.
According to the report—and the documents from Trump’s former accounting firm Mazars that are attached to it—the People’s Republic of China and companies substantially controlled by the PRC government paid at least $5,572,548 to Trump-owned properties while Trump was in office; Saudi Arabia paid at least $615,422; Qatar paid at least $465,744; Kuwait paid at least $300,000; India paid at least $282,764; Malaysia paid at least $248,962; Afghanistan paid at least $154,750; the Philippines paid at least $74,810; the United Arab Emirates paid at least $65,225. The list went on and on.
The committee Democrats explained that these payments were likely only a fraction of the actual money exchanged, since they cover only four of more than 500 entities Trump owned at the time. When the Republicans took control of the House of Representatives in January 2023, Oversight Committee chair James Comer (R-KY) stopped the investigation before Mazars had produced the documents the committee had asked for when Democrats were in charge of it. Those records included documents relating to Russia, South Korea, South Africa, and Brazil.
Trump fought hard against the production of these documents, dragging out the court fight until September 2022. The committee worked on them for just four months before voters put Republicans in charge of the House and the investigation stopped.
These are the first hard numbers that show how foreign governments funneled money to the president while policies involving their countries were in front of him. The report notes, for example, that Trump refused to impose sanctions on Chinese banks that were helping the North Korean government; one of those banks was paying him close to $2 million in rent annually for commercial office space in Trump Tower.
The first article of the U.S. Constitution reads: “[N]o Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under [the United States], shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument [that is, salary, fee, or profit], Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.”
The report also contrasted powerfully with the attempt of Republicans on the Oversight Committee, led by Comer, to argue that Democratic Joe Biden has corruptly profited from the presidency.
In the Washington Post on December 26, 2023, Philip Bump noted that just after voters elected a Republican majority, Comer told the Washington Post that as soon as he was in charge of the Oversight Committee, he would use his power to “determine if this president and this White House are compromised because of the millions of dollars that his family has received from our adversaries in China, Russia and Ukraine.”
For the past year, while he and the committee have made a number of highly misleading statements to make it sound as if there are Biden family businesses involving the president (there are not) and the president was involved in them (he was not), their claims were never backed by any evidence. Bump noted in a piece on December 14, 2023, for example, that Comer told Fox News Channel personality Maria Bartiromo that “the Bidens” have “taken in” more than $24 million. In fact, Bump explained, Biden’s son Hunter and his business partners did receive such payments, but most of the money went to the business partners. About $7.5 million of it went to Hunter Biden. There is no evidence that any of it went to Joe Biden.
All of the committee’s claims have similar reality checks. Jonathan Yerushalmy of The Guardian wrote that after nearly 40,000 pages of bank records and dozens of hours of testimony, “no evidence has emerged that Biden acted corruptly or accepted bribes in his current or previous role.”
Still, the constant hyping of their claims on right-wing media led then–House speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) to authorize an impeachment inquiry in mid-September, and in mid-December, Republicans in the House formalized the inquiry.
There is more behind the attack on Biden than simply trying to even the score between him and Trump—who remains angry at his impeachments and has demanded Republicans retaliate—or to smear Biden through an “investigation,” which has been a standard technique of the Republicans since the mid-1990s.
Claiming that Biden is as corrupt as Trump undermines faith in our democracy. After all, if everyone is a crook, why does it matter which one is in office? And what makes American democracy any different from the authoritarian systems of Russia or Hungary or Venezuela, where leaders grab what they can for themselves and their followers?
Democracies are different from authoritarian governments because they have laws to prevent the corruption in which it appears Trump engaged. The fact that Republicans refuse to hold their own party members accountable to those laws while smearing their opponents says far more about them than it does about the nature of democracy.
It does, though, highlight that our democracy is in danger.
LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
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Wrote a kinda long thing
[insp from that writing prompts account]
I sat there in shock watching these cameras
Four people twirling like madmen in haunting unison; freely and without a clear goal. It’s as if they were dancing around each other, able to feel the other's next step.
Except the fact that they are continents apart.
This is how witnessing the dancing plague must’ve felt like, I thought to myself. Should I contact my superior about this? Would he force me to break them up? This has to have some significance right, it’s not coincidental? It couldn’t be coincidental they’re too in sync. Surely breaking it up would be difficult, how would we break them up anyways? Contact each country individually so we can hunt down these people and tell them to stop dancing? No, it’d be easier to just leave them be, people dance in public all the time, this one surely wouldn’t harm anyone.
The first one was a man. The man in Dubai was dressed in a kandura. The long white fabric encasing his body and making interesting silhouettes whenever he moved. His red turban wrapped around the top of his bed had its ends swaying to and fro in the little breeze. He stood out sharply in the dark backdrop that was the very early hours of the morning. His dancing had a certain firmness to it; his moves were swift and quick and confident, a bit uptight and whatever he did he did with his head held high.
I shifted my eyes over to the next camera.
The next one was a woman in Peru. Long black hair cascaded down her shoulders and fell onto a red manta. A festive one at that with pictures on it depicting people in engaged battle. It made her look one with the afternoon sky. She moved similar to the man; quick and striking but lacking the confidence that the man had. Her moves were stiff and co-ordinated but with a certain fiery gaze her unopened eyes somehow seem to emit.
On to the next camera I went.
The third one was a woman in South Africa. A woman with a big afro almost covering her eyes. Her skin reminded me of dark rocks in lakes; light brown that looked like it’d be nice to touch, a smooth comforting feel to it. She was thin, terribly thin and was dressed in an inky flowy dress with white flowery patterns sparkled all over it. Her moves were slow and desperate, as if she were dancing underwater. Despite her face being closed there was a panic on her face, etched into the creasing of her eyebrows and the fold of her mouth.
And then the last one.
The last one was a man. The man in Italy was tall and lanky with rich brown hair. His skin was quite a rich peach, emphasised by the pale blazer and trousers he had on. His tie was a dark cobalt. Making it seem as if he had a hole in his chest where the night sky behind him was filling in. His dancing was the most mesmerising of them all. He somehow pulled off a combination of all 3, being elegant, flowy, slow and yet confident at the same time. He was not doing his own style, just doing a horrid yet cordial dance.
I sat there for minutes, hours, maybe even days watching them dance. Time was but a fluid flowing past me. I did not notice I was getting wet. I don’t remember how long I sat there, watching, staring. I remember them going still immediately as if being told by someone to stop. As I went to push the button to alert my boss of this they all turned to the camera, to me, slowly in unison and opened their eyes
#writing#i just had no where to post this lol#idk how to write#lowk shit at it#to know how to climb a tree u have to attempt it ig#tumblr writers#that writing prompts account#short story#original fiction#tagging this like an ao3 fic
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Last month, a court in Kenya issued a landmark ruling against Meta, owner of Facebook and Instagram. The US tech giant was, the court ruled, the “true employer” of the hundreds of people employed in Nairobi as moderators on its platforms, trawling through posts and images to filter out violence, hate speech and other shocking content. That means Meta can be sued in Kenya for labor rights violations, even though moderators are technically employed by a third party contractor.
Social media giant TikTok was watching the case closely. The company also uses outsourced moderators in Kenya, and in other countries in the global south, through a contract with Luxembourg-based Majorel. Leaked documents obtained by the NGO Foxglove Legal, seen by WIRED, show that TikTok is concerned it could be next in line for possible litigation.
“TikTok will likely face reputational and regulatory risks for its contractual arrangement with Majorel in Kenya,” the memo says. If the Kenyan courts rule in the moderators’ favor, the memo warns “TikTok and its competitors could face scrutiny for real or perceived labor rights violations.”
The ruling against Meta came after the tech company tried to get the court to dismiss a case brought against it and its outsourcing partner, Sama, by the South African moderator, Daniel Motaung, who was fired after trying to form a union in 2019.
Motaung said the work, which meant watching hours of violent, graphic, or otherwise traumatizing content daily, left him with post-traumatic stress disorder. He also alleged that he hadn’t been fully informed about the nature of the work before he’d relocated from South Africa to Kenya to start the job. Motaung accuses Meta and Sama of several abuses of Kenyan labor law, including human trafficking and union busting. Should Motaung’s case succeed, it could allow other large tech companies that outsource to Kenya to be held accountable for the way staff there are treated, and provide a framework for similar cases in other countries.
“[TikTok] reads it as a reputational threat,” says Cori Crider, director of Foxglove Legal. “The fact that they are exploiting people is the reputational threat.”
TikTok did not respond to a request for comment.
In January, as Motaung’s lawsuit progressed, Meta attempted to cut ties with Sama and move its outsourcing operations to Majorel—TikTok’s partner.
In the process, 260 Sama moderators were expected to lose their jobs. In March, a judge issued an injunction preventing Meta from terminating its contract with Sama and moving it to Majorel until the court was able to determine whether the layoffs violated Kenyan labor laws. In a separate lawsuit, Sama moderators, some of whom spoke to WIRED earlier this year, alleged that Majorel had blacklisted them from applying to the new Meta moderator jobs, in retaliation for trying to push for better working conditions at Sama. In May, 150 outsourced moderators working for TikTok, ChatGPT, and Meta via third-party companies voted to form and register the African Content Moderators Union.
Majorel declined to comment.
The TikTok documents show that the company is considering an independent audit of Majorel’s site in Kenya. Majorel has sites around the world, including in Morocco, where its moderators work for both Meta and TikTok. Such an exercise, which often involves hiring an outside law firm or consultancy to conduct interviews and deliver a formal assessment against criteria like local labor laws or international human rights standards, “may mitigate additional scrutiny from union representatives and news media,” the memo said.
Paul Barrett, deputy director of the Center for Business and Human Rights at New York University, says that these audits can be a way for companies to look like they’re taking action to improve conditions in their supply chain, without having to make the drastic changes they need.
“There have been instances in a number of industries where audits have been largely performative, just a little bit of theater to give to a global company a gold star so that they can say they're complying with all relevant standards,” he says, noting that it’s difficult to tell in advance whether a potential audit of TikTok’s moderation operations would be similarly cosmetic.
Meta has conducted multiple audits, including in 2018, contracting consultants Business for Social Responsibility to assess its human rights impact in Myanmar in the wake of a genocide that UN investigators alleged was partially fueled by hate speech on Facebook. Last year, Meta released its first human rights report. The company has, however, repeatedly delayed the release of the full, unredacted copy of its human rights impact report on India, commissioned in 2019 following pressure from rights groups who accused it of contributing to the erosion of civil liberties in the country.
The TikTok memo says nothing about how the company might use such an assessment to help guide improvements in the material conditions of its outsourced workers. “You'll note, the recommendations are not suddenly saying, they should just give people access to psychiatrists, or allow them to opt out of the toxic content and prescreen them in a very careful way, or to pay them in a more equal way that acknowledges the inherent hazards of the job,” says Crider. “I think it's about the performance of doing something.”
Barrett says that there is an opportunity for TikTok to approach the issue in a more proactive way than its predecessors have. “I think it would be very unfortunate if TikTok said, ‘We’re going to try to minimize liability, minimize our responsibility, and not only outsource this work, but outsource our responsibility for making sure the work that's being done on behalf of our platform is done in an appropriate and humane way.’”
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As a small accounting firm in South Africa, we understand the importance of effectively managing your marketing budget. Allocating resources to the most efficient digital marketing platforms and maximizing the efficacy of your initiatives can be a daunting task, but it is essential for promoting brand and product awareness. If you’re unsure where to start when it comes to budget management and tracking, we’ve got you covered. In this article, we offer helpful suggestions for gaining control of your marketing expenditures and maximizing your return on investment.
Do you know how much your company spends on marketing? Let’s dive in and explore how you can take charge of your marketing budget and achieve your revenue and profit goals. #marketing
At our accounting firm, we understand that managing your marketing budget can be challenging, especially when trying to maximize your digital marketing efforts. With our expert guidance, however, you can create a well-planned marketing budget that helps you allocate resources to the most efficient digital marketing platforms and maximizes the efficacy of your initiatives.
In South Africa, most companies allocate between 2% to 5% of their income on marketing to advertise their products and services. No matter the size of your marketing budget, it’s crucial to use your working capital effectively. Therefore, we suggest that you ensure every Rand is effectively promoting brand and product awareness.
As a small accounting firm, we know that executives need tangible evidence of return on investment (ROI) to justify marketing expenditures. To gain control of your marketing expenditures, we recommend that you:
Determine the most successful marketing channels – Consider which channels are most likely to produce the best results for your business, whether it’s video, social media, blogging, events, or above-the-line advertising. Do research, communicate with your customers, and utilize the channels where your audience is most likely to interact with you.
Allocate your marketing expenditures across various channels – Allocate your budget according to each channel’s cost-effectiveness. Consult with other marketers in your field, review industry benchmarks, and estimate an approximate amount for each channel’s budget. By summing the costs for each channel, you may calculate your total marketing expenditure. Ensure that this does not exceed the percentage of your sales budgeted for marketing.
Establish revenue goals for each channel – Define measurable financial and non-financial ROI objectives for each channel. For example, how many clients will each channel attract? What effect will this have on cash flow? What effect do you want this to have on your revenue and profits?
Use advanced cloud accounting tools to record and monitor your marketing expenditures – Monitor your marketing expenditures by channel, product, and cost code to obtain a comprehensive summary of your spending. This provides you with the information necessary to track performance over time, so you have complete control over your expenditure.
Combine data and reporting from your cloud accounting and marketing software – This provides you with the most accurate marketing management information imaginable. You can use this data to make intelligent marketing decisions, such as where to spend the most money on marketing, which channel converts the highest amount of prospects, and how much of your marketing money has been spent and how much is left.
At our accounting firm, we have the expertise to help you track your marketing expenditures and ensure that you are getting the most out of your budget. We can assist you in setting up new expense codes in your accounting software and refining your per-channel marketing budgets. We can also work with you to customize your dashboard and management information so that you have access to all the necessary financial and non-financial data.
If you want to delve deeper into your marketing expenditures (and the ROI these Rand are generating), please email us and schedule a time to speak with us. We can help you make informed decisions that increase your ROI and your company’s overall digital presence.
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Thought this article would be from Pinterest because it has a warm and cozy aesthetic, very much giving mood board vibes (I was ready to make a mood board y’all 😩 💀) ! ?
INSTEAD:
It's an article published in 2018 about gentrification in Brooklyn for this one specific apartment complex that NYC creatives made their own.
"Unfortunately, for this group of long-standing tenants, 475 Kent was sold in 2017 for $56 million to investors Shlomo Meichor and Assi Arev of the Israel-based firm Gaia Investment Group. Currently, and despite the loft law, they managed to clear the building of half of its tenants last year."
Two of the tenants who resided there at the time of the publication, Hang Pham and Gregoire Abrial, showcased their lovely, handmade home:
Meanwhile, the Gaia group suffers no consequences for displacing creatives like Pham and Abrial to make a profit.
What is the Gaia group anyway, and how could they be so heartless?
According to the National Real Estate Investor,
"A Firm Named Gaia...is an Israeli company owned by Raz Steinmetz."
Could it be that Raz is encouraging displacement in his real estate practices?!
While initially, I began to look more into Raz, I found much more lore on the Steinmetz fortune in general. For example, Raz's father Beny was convicted for corruption shortly after he became a billionaire. He became a billionaire like a true capitalist, by exploiting a vast iron-ore resource in Guinea, Africa.
Beny was already wealthy through diamond mining, and through his father, Rubin, a diamond cutter and Polish Zionist who settled in Palestine in 1936, after World War II and the Holocaust began.
More on Beny and some on Rubin here:
The New Yorker gives this little tidbit about Beny's life:
"'A family photograph from 1977 captures Beny as a young man, sitting at a cluttered table with his two older brothers and his father, who looks sternly at the camera while Beny inspects a precious stone."
That's what it looked like inside their home, but what did it look like outside?
According to Oxford University Press (and some real life accounts if you will seek them out), it wasn’t a pretty sight:
"'After the war, the majority of Jewish and Zionist activists supported the idea of partitioning Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states. In May 1947, Britain announced that it was handing over the Palestine problem to a newly formed United Nations, and that it would unilaterally terminate the mandate over Palestine on May 15, 1948. In November 1947, the General Assembly voted on a partition plan and, with Soviet support, passed it. A civil war between the Palestinians and the Jews began immediately."
Academia calls it a civil war, and I'm sure Blood Diamond Beny would agree with that. However, if you would like a perspective that is not rooted in generations of imperialism, you can check out the movie Gaza Fights For Freedom for free on YouTube to see what the common folk think.
To me it looks like the Steinmetzs have turned displacement into a very lucrative family business - from Palestine to Guinea to Brooklyn - at the 99%'s expense.
This fight is our fight too as it always has been and always will be.
The late, great MLK Jr. once wrote,
"freedom is never given voluntarily by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed."
It's time to speak up.
475 Kent, South Williamsburg, Brooklyn, NYC
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MFA Adoption Trends in 2024: What’s Driving the Surge in Usage?
Multi-Factor Authentication Industry Overview
The global multi-factor authentication market size is expected to reach USD 41.29 billion by 2030, registering a CAGR of 14.2% during the forecast period, according to a new report by Grand View Research, Inc. Increasing implementation of BYOD and cloud-based services across enterprises, along with the growing security regulations and mandates, is benefiting market growth.
Multi-factor authentication is an emerging category of the identity access management that involves use of multiple methods of authentication to verify a user’s identity. Authentication of user identity ensures secure online transactions, log on to online services, and access to corporate resources. Compromised credentials are the main cause of data breaches. Multi-factor authentication is used by organizations to implement an additional layer of security that requires users to authenticate via knowledge, possession, and inherence factors to gain access to corporate and social networks.
Gather more insights about the market drivers, restrains and growth of the Multi-Factor Authentication Market
Advancements in biometric technologies, hardware and software applications, and cloud-based authentication services are projected to provide extensive growth opportunities to the market. However, issues related to cost and complexity involved in implementing MFA solutions and the ever-changing security regulations and compliances are expected to restrain market growth.
Browse through Grand View Research's Next Generation Technologies Industry Research Reports.
The global people counting system market size was estimated at USD 1.26 billion in 2024 and is anticipated to grow at a CAGR of 13.7% from 2025 to 2030.
The global call center AI market size was valued at USD 2.00 billion in 2024 and is projected to grow at a CAGR of 23.8% from 2025 to 2030.
Multi-factor Authentication Market Segmentation
Grand View Research has segmented the global multi-factor authentication market based on model, application, and region:
Multi-factor Authentication Model Outlook (Revenue, USD Million, 2017 - 2030)
Two Factor Authentication
Three Factor Authentication
Four Factor Authentication
Five Factor Authentication
Multi-factor Authentication Application Outlook (Revenue, USD Million, 2017 - 2030)
BFSI
Government & Defense
Healthcare
Travel & Immigration
Retail & E-commerce
Others
Multi-factor Authentication Regional Outlook (Revenue, USD Million, 2017 - 2030)
North America
US
Canada
Europe
UK
Germany
France
Asia Pacific
China
Japan
India
Australia
South Korea
Latin America
Brazil
Mexico
Middle East and Africa
Saudi Arabia
South Africa
UAE
Key Companies profiled:
Vasco Data Security International, Inc.
RSA Security LLC
Fujitsu America, Inc.
NEC Corporation
Symantec Corporation
Thales
3M
aPersona, Inc.
CA Technologies.
Safran S.A.
Recent Developments
In April 2023, Thales, a leading global technology and security solutions provider, unveiled the SafeNet Token Fusion series. This innovative collection of USB tokens combines Fast IDentity Online 2.0 (FIDO2) with PKI/CBA, creating a single authenticator. The primary objective of Thales's new tokens was to safeguard Microsoft Azure Active Directory (Azure AD) users by mitigating the risk of account compromise by delivering enhanced security for accessing cloud and web applications.
In April 2022, Trust Stamp unveiled a Biometric Multi-Factor Authentication (Biometric MFA) solution. This innovative system revolutionizes identity verification by automating a strong level of assurance through a simple selfie. By leveraging biometric technology, the Biometric MFA adds two additional layers of authentication to verify the user's liveliness and secure tokenizing data from the selfie.
In March 2022, MIRACL, a cybersecurity software firm and Aware Inc., an authentication company, announced a strategic partnership to continue their cloud-based biometric authentication technology. The collaboration aims to address common challenges in business authentication by leveraging MIRACL's single-step, secure multi-factor authentication technology and Aware's recognized expertise in biometrics.
In May 2021, Microsoft announced the launch of new products, guidance, and employee plans to enhance security and provide enhanced customer support. Additionally, Microsoft revealed its commitment to adopting a zero-trust approach, ensuring that its employees embrace this security framework.
In April 2021, HID Global made its WorkforceID Authentication solution available to the public, offering enterprises a cloud-based platform for issuing, managing, and utilizing digital identity credentials for physical and logical access control. This solution enables organizations to streamline and enhance the security of user logins across all applications within their enterprise environment.
In July 2020, Ping Identity announced a collaboration with One Identity, a leading provider of security solutions centered around identity. This partnership aimed to deliver comprehensive identity management strategies and enhance access security and control. Both companies offered a powerful solution that covers consumers' end-to-end identity management needs by combining the capabilities of Ping Identity's access management technology with One Identity's Identity Governance and Administration (IGA) technology.
Order a free sample PDF of the Multi-Factor Authentication Market Intelligence Study, published by Grand View Research.
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Non-alcoholic Wine Market to Reach $2.61 Billion by 2031
Meticulous Research®, a prominent global market research firm, has published an insightful report titled “Non-alcoholic Wine Market—Global Opportunity Analysis and Industry Forecast (2024-2031).” This publication forecasts that the non-alcoholic wine market will reach an impressive $2.61 billion by 2031, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 11.6% from 2024 to 2031.
Download Research Report Sample @ https://www.meticulousresearch.com/download-sample-report/cp_id=6014
The growth of the non-alcoholic wine market is primarily driven by shifting consumer preferences towards healthier options, an increasing demand for non-alcoholic wine among various religious and cultural groups, and ongoing innovations in product development. Additionally, the rising acceptance of non-alcoholic wines in social settings further propels market growth. Despite these positive trends, the market faces challenges, including the loss of flavor and aroma during the dealcoholization process and higher production costs relative to traditional wines.
Advancements in production techniques are opening up new opportunities for market players, particularly in the premium non-alcoholic wine segment. However, replicating the complex flavors and aromas characteristic of alcoholic wines remains a significant challenge. Furthermore, compliance with regulatory standards can also hinder market expansion.
Trends such as a growing emphasis on low-calorie and no-sugar options, along with the expansion of online retail channels, are becoming increasingly prominent in the non-alcoholic wine landscape. These trends indicate a clear consumer shift towards healthier and more accessible beverage choices.
Browse in depth @ https://www.meticulousresearch.com/product/non-alcoholic-wine-market-6014
The competitive landscape of the non-alcoholic wine market is moderately fragmented, featuring a mix of large and small players from global, regional, and local markets. Key companies in this space include Schloss Wachenheim AG (Germany), Sutter Home Fre (U.S.), Giesen Group Ltd (New Zealand), Domaines Pierre Chavin (France), Ariel Vineyards (U.S.), Torres Natureo (Spain), and several others.
The report segments the non-alcoholic wine market based on product type, source, technology, packaging, and distribution channel. Among the product categories analyzed, the still wine segment is projected to maintain its dominance, accounting for approximately 82.7% of the market in 2024. This preference is driven by consumer familiarity, a broad array of flavors, and the versatility of still wines for food pairings.
In terms of packaging, the bottle segment is expected to dominate as well, thanks to its effective preservation capabilities and premium perception. Bottled non-alcoholic wines allow brands to showcase their products attractively, enhancing consumer appeal.
The distribution landscape reveals that the off-trade segment will hold the largest share, with an estimated 61.1% in 2024. This dominance is attributed to the accessibility of supermarkets, liquor stores, and convenience stores, which provide a better shopping experience and a wider product selection.
Geographically, the report offers a comprehensive analysis of various regions, including North America (U.S. and Canada), Europe (Germany, France, U.K., Italy, Spain, and others), Asia-Pacific (China, India, Japan, and others), Latin America (Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, and others), and the Middle East & Africa (UAE, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and others).
Europe is expected to lead the market with a 48.5% share in 2024, valued at approximately $636.4 million. This strong market presence is bolstered by a high concentration of leading wine producers, ample raw material availability, a shift towards healthier lifestyles, a decline in alcohol consumption, and significant demand for non-alcoholic beverages. Overall, the non-alcoholic wine market is poised for substantial growth as it aligns with evolving consumer preferences and lifestyle choices.
Request Customization Report @ https://www.meticulousresearch.com/request-customization/cp_id=6014
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Transcription of images 2 and 3:
Government of Reconciliation and National Unity of Nicaragua
PRESS RELEASE
The Government of Reconciliation and National Unity of Nicaragua welcomes South Africa's lawsuit before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) filed on December 29, 2023, against Israel for its violations of its obligations under the 1948 Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes of Genocide against the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
South Africa's lawsuit also includes a request for the Court to order provisional measures ordering Israel to stop its military campaign in Gaza to protect against further harm to the Rights of the Palestinian People under the Genocide Convention, and to ensure Israel's compliance with its obligations under the Convention.
Nicaragua considers that the legal action against Israel before the ICJ is a concrete step in compliance with the legal obligations that each state party to the Genocide Convention has the right and duty to take and is also the first step towards accountability before the international community. As a State Party to the Genocide Convention, Nicaragua urges Israel to fulfill its obligations under International Law and to immediately end its military assault against the Palestinian People.
Nicaragua also calls for an end to the occupation, the establishment of conditions for a lasting permanent solution that respects the 1967 borders with a sovereign and independent Palestinian state.
The Government of Reconciliation and National Unity Republic of Nicaragua reaffirms its firm commitment to the Rule of Law at the International Level and the peaceful resolution of disputes between States.
Managua, January 9, 2024
Government of Reconciliation and National Unity Republic of Nicaragua
End transcription.
Nicaragua joins Venezuela and Bolivia in supporting South Africa's case.
#January 2024#9 January 2024#Genocide#Palestine#Israel#Nicaragua#South Africa#International law#ICJ#Described#Alt text provided#Thank you for the alt text
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Apply TotalEnergies Internships Programme 2025 TotalEnergies Internships Programme 2025 Are you a recent graduate ready to kick-start your career within a globally renowned energy company? TotalEnergies Marketing South Africa offers a unique 12-month Graduate Internship Programme in 2025, located in the heart of Johannesburg. This immersive opportunity is ideal for South African graduates across multiple disciplines, from Engineering and Commerce to Environmental Science and Humanities, empowering them with hands-on industry exposure and mentorship by leading professionals. - Location: Johannesburg, South Africa - Domain: Operations | Contract Type: Internship | - Duration: 12 Months TotalEnergies, a global leader in the energy sector, is committed to fostering a sustainable future and nurturing the next generation of industry leaders. The TotalEnergies Graduate Internship Programme 2025 is designed to offer recent graduates practical work experience across various departments in alignment with their academic backgrounds. This programme focuses on providing a strong foundation in both technical and soft skills to excel in the energy sector. Graduates gain comprehensive insights into their respective fields, contributing directly to TotalEnergies’ South African operations and learning under the guidance of experienced professionals. TotalEnergies’ internship programme offers a rewarding platform for graduates, equipping them with real-world experience in a competitive industry. As a part of a high-performing team, you will have the chance to develop specialized skills, build a professional network, and contribute to an organization at the forefront of the global energy transformation. Who Should Apply? This programme is open to South African graduates with a Bachelor’s or Honours Degree in the following fields: - Engineering & Built Environment: Chemical, Electrical, Industrial, Mechanical, Metallurgical, and Process Engineering - Commerce: Finance, Accounting, Financial Management, Economics, Supply Chain, Logistics, and Transport Management - Science & Technology: Applied Chemistry, Statistical Sciences, Mathematics, Computer Science, Data Analytics, Environmental Science, and Geography - Humanities: Social Work, Human Resources, and Industrial Psychology - Law: Bachelor of Laws (LLB) - Governance: Compliance, Marketing Management, and Governance Key Programme Highlights and Activities Interns joining the TotalEnergies Graduate Internship Programme in Johannesburg will experience a supportive, dynamic, and challenging work environment. Each intern will: - Collaborate with seasoned professionals and engage in day-to-day tasks relevant to their department. - Gain valuable insights into operations, technology, and sustainability efforts within a leading energy firm. - Enhance skills applicable to diverse industries, from commerce and engineering to environmental sustainability. - Contribute to strategic projects that align with TotalEnergies’ vision and corporate social responsibility. Eligibility Requirements To qualify, applicants must: - Be South African citizens with a completed Bachelor’s or Honours Degree. - Possess a recently updated CV, valid ID copy, qualification certificates, and academic records. - Have less than one year of work experience. Required Documents Candidates are required to submit the following: - Updated CV: Showcasing academic background and skills. - ID Copy: Proof of South African citizenship. - Qualification Documents: Verified copies of degree certificates. - Academic Record: An official transcript of grades. SEE ALSO: Ampath Laboratories Lab Assistants Learnerships 2024 How to Apply? Click Here to Apply Read the full article
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Comprehensive Guide to SOC 1 Certification
In today’s competitive business landscape, SOC 1 (Service Organization Control 1) certification is crucial for service organizations in Bangalore, particularly those handling financial data on behalf of clients. This certification demonstrates an organization’s commitment to maintaining a robust control environment, ensuring that financial reporting processes are secure and trustworthy. SOC 1 certification is especially valuable in Bangalore’s thriving IT and outsourcing sectors, where data security and integrity are paramount for establishing credibility with global clients.
This article explores the key aspects of SOC 1 Certification in Bangalore, including the implementation process, SOC 1 services available in Bangalore, and insights into the SOC 1 audit process.
SOC 1 Implementation in Bangalore
Implementing SOC 1 in an organization involves a structured approach to designing, documenting, and monitoring controls over financial reporting. In Bangalore, where businesses cater to international clients, organizations must adhere to high standards of data protection and control. SOC 1 certification, based on the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA) standards, provides a reliable framework to secure client information.
Understand Control Objectives and Activities: The initial step in SOC 1 implementation is identifying the control objectives. These are specific outcomes necessary for ensuring the accurate handling of clients’ financial information. Control activities, including policies, procedures, and technologies, must align with these objectives.
Gap Analysis: Performing a gap analysis helps organizations understand areas where their current practices fall short of SOC 1 standards. This assessment allows the business to identify and address gaps in its control environment, leading to better compliance during the audit.
Design and Document Controls: Once gaps are identified, the next step is designing and documenting controls. Documentation is a critical component as it provides auditors with evidence of compliance. Organizations in Bangalore can benefit from consultants with SOC 1 expertise, who assist in tailoring control frameworks that align with the specific needs of their industry.
Testing Controls: Controls must be tested to ensure they work as intended. Conducting internal testing helps identify any weaknesses or inconsistencies, allowing the organization to address these issues before undergoing a formal SOC 1 audit.
Ongoing Monitoring and Improvement: SOC 1 Implementation in South Africa is not a one-time effort. Implementing continuous monitoring procedures ensures that controls are effective in the long term. In Bangalore, many organizations utilize technology-based monitoring tools to track control performance and ensure ongoing compliance.
SOC 1 Services in Bangalore
To help businesses achieve SOC 1 certification, a range of specialized SOC 1 services are available in Bangalore. These services, offered by consulting firms and auditing firms, streamline the certification process, from the initial planning stages to audit completion.
SOC 1 Readiness Assessment: This is a preparatory service where consultants perform a readiness assessment. It involves evaluating current controls, performing a risk assessment, and recommending improvements. A readiness assessment helps businesses understand what is required for SOC 1 certification and prepares them for the audit phase.
Control Design and Implementation Assistance: Many Bangalore-based firms offer support for designing and implementing effective controls. These firms work with the organization to develop policies, procedures, and other control mechanisms that meet SOC 1 standards, ensuring alignment with clients’ expectations and regulatory requirements.
Documentation Support: Preparing documentation can be challenging for businesses unfamiliar with SOC 1 requirements. Documentation support services assist companies in creating and maintaining thorough records of control processes, essential for a successful SOC 1 audit. These records serve as evidence to auditors and help streamline the certification process.
Employee Training: Training is essential to ensure that all employees involved in the control process understand their roles and responsibilities. Many service providers offer training sessions tailored to SOC 1 requirements, helping organizations maintain a culture of compliance and continuous improvement.
Ongoing Compliance Support: Maintaining SOC 1 Services in Bahrain requires ongoing efforts, especially for organizations with complex control environments. Many firms in Bangalore provide ongoing compliance support, which includes periodic testing, control reviews, and regular audits to ensure that the organization remains compliant year-round.
SOC 1 Audit in Bangalore
The SOC 1 audit is the final step in the certification process and is conducted by an independent auditor. This audit assesses whether the organization’s controls effectively achieve the objectives related to financial reporting. In Bangalore, numerous experienced audit firms specialize in conducting SOC 1 audits, providing businesses with reliable third-party assessments.
Types of SOC 1 Audits: There are two types of SOC 1 audits—Type I and Type II.
Type I audits assess whether the control design is effective at a specific point in time.
Type II audits, on the other hand, evaluate both the design and operational effectiveness of the controls over a specified period, typically six months to one year. Type II audits are more comprehensive and are generally more valued by clients.
Audit Process: The audit begins with an initial review of documentation, followed by interviews and inspections to evaluate the control environment. During the audit, the auditor will examine the effectiveness of controls related to data security, privacy, and accuracy in financial reporting. Auditors often rely on a mix of manual checks and automated tools to assess compliance.
Reporting and Recommendations: Upon completion, the auditor provides a detailed report outlining the organization’s control effectiveness. This report includes an opinion on whether the controls meet SOC 1 requirements and any areas that need improvement. Organizations can use this feedback to strengthen their control environment, ensuring that they remain SOC 1 compliant in the long term.
Continuous Audit Strategy: Many organizations in Bangalore opt for a continuous audit approach, where they conduct SOC 1 audits on a regular basis to reassure clients of their commitment to high control standards. This approach is particularly relevant in industries such as finance and IT, where clients demand regular validation of the service provider’s control environment.
Conclusion
Achieving SOC 1 Registration in Uganda is a strategic advantage for service organizations that handle clients' financial data, particularly in sectors like IT, finance, and outsourcing. Implementing SOC 1 standards involves a methodical approach to control design and monitoring, ensuring that all financial reporting processes are both secure and reliable. By leveraging SOC 1 services, such as readiness assessments, documentation support, and employee training, businesses can efficiently prepare for the SOC 1 audit process.
Organizations in Bangalore that successfully complete the SOC 1 audit demonstrate a commitment to transparency and accountability, reinforcing client trust and opening doors to new business opportunities. As SOC 1 certification gains prominence in Bangalore’s service industry, organizations that prioritize effective implementation and ongoing compliance will undoubtedly establish themselves as leaders in data security and control assurance.
#SOC 1 Implementation in Bangalore#SOC 1 Services in Bangalore#SOC 1 Consultants Services in Bangalore
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